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来源:医指南    发布时间:2019年06月21日 03:16:26    编辑:admin         

A e typical of Chancellor Angela Merkel, a physicist by education and politician by profession, goes like this: Don’t forget about the huge difference between expecting something and experiencing it.曾受训成为物理学家、后来投身政坛的德国总理安格拉.默克尔(Angela Merkel)常说的一句话是:不要忘记预期将要发生什么事情与真正经历这件事情之间的巨大差异。For years Germany’s security services have warned about the imminent threat of a terrorist attack. 多年来,德国的安保部门一直警告,德国面临迫在眉睫的恐怖主义袭击威胁。They warned specifically about the danger of attacks on soft targets such as Christmas markets. 他们特别警告,圣诞集市等软目标有遭受袭击的危险。So Germans were vaguely expecting a blow. 因此,德国人一直隐约预期会遭受一次打击。On Monday evening, right in the centre of Berlin, they experienced it.周一晚上,在柏林市中心,他们真正经历到了。How will this affect them? What will this do to Ms Merkel, to the nation’s political landscape and to the cohesion of our society?这会如何影响德国人?这会如何影响默克尔、影响德国的政治格局和我们社会的凝聚力?Politically, the killing of 12 people in an attack that left dozens severely injured is a disaster for the government but it is even more so for Ms Merkel personally. 在政治上,一次导致12人丧生、数十人严重受伤的袭击对德国政府而言是一场灾难,但对默克尔个人而言更是如此。She is held responsible for whatever goes wrong in the handling of the refugee crisis. 在难民危机的处理上无论出了什么问题,人们都会认为应由默克尔负责。Her actions are polarising the country and society in a way we have not seen in decades.她的行动以一种我们数十年未曾见过的方式让这个国家和社会两极分化。Knowing this all too well, Marcus Pretzell, an MEP and one of the leading figures of the far-right xenophobic Alternative for Germany (AfD), did not bother to wait longer than an hour after the attack before announcing on Twitter: These are Merkel’s dead!深知这一切的欧洲议会议员(MEP)、极右翼仇外政党德国新选择党(AfD)的领军人物之一马库斯.普雷策尔(Marcus Pretzell)在袭击发生刚刚一个小时的时候,就在Twitter上宣布:这些人都是默克尔害死的!He caused immediate outrage across social media — not least because until late Tuesday it was not even clear whether the killer was a refugee at all — yet true AfD believers will praise Mr Pretzell for speaking out.他的话立刻在社交媒体平台上引起了愤慨之情——尤其是因为,直到周二晚些时候,人们甚至还不清楚杀手是否是难民——然而,新选择党的真正信徒们会赞扬普雷策尔的直言不讳。If the AfD party as a whole sticks to the same line then, yes, it might deter quite a number of decent middle-class voters.如果新选择党作为一个整体都坚持这一立场,可能让相当多的体面的中产阶级选民望而却步。On the other hand, it will strengthen the xenophobic, anti-Merkel core of that party, which will probably be big enough to carry the party over the 5 per cent threshold required for entry into the Bundestag in the federal election next autumn. 另一方面,这会壮大该党内仇外、反默克尔的核心,很可能足以让该党超过5%的得票率门槛,在明年秋天联邦选举时得以进入德国联邦议院(Bundestag)。As well as introducing a far-right voice to the national parliament for the first time, that would complicate the business of crafting a work-able governing coalition.除了首次让极右翼的声音进入国会以外,这还会让组建一个可运转的执政联盟变得更加困难。Public confidence in the chancellor was first shattered when authorities largely lost control of the influx of refugees in the summer of 2015. 2015年夏天,当局基本对难民流入失去控制,这令德国民众对默克尔的信心首次破灭。Ever since, there has been a clear correlation between her personal ratings and voters’ fear of terrorist attacks.此后,默克尔个人的民意持率一直与选民对恐怖主义袭击的担忧明显相关。Moreover, Ms Merkel’s campaign for the 2017 election is set to focus on two words aimed at providing comfort in times of turmoil: security and no experiments.此外,默克尔为2017年德国大选准备的竞选纲领,将着重于两个旨在于动荡时期提供一些慰藉的词:安全和不做实验。This slogan was deployed successfully by her Christian Democrat (CDU) party during the cold war. 在冷战期间,默克尔所在的基督教民主联盟(CDU)曾成功地运用了这一口号。As of today, both will be severely undermined by the Berlin attack — with no alternative at hand, either in terms of a viable candidate or in terms of strategy. 今天,这条口号和基民盟都将因此次的柏林袭击遭受重创,而基民盟手中没有备用选择——无论是有胜选实力的备用候选人,还是备用策略。The CDU knows this very well. 基民盟深知这一点。But even her fiercest critics within the party will not dare to revolt. 但即使是默克尔在基民盟党内最严厉的批评者,也不敢反叛。With no viable way out, they have no choice but to suffer in silence.没有可行的出路,他们别无选择,只能沉默忍受。So all the chancellor can hope for is that mainstream Germans will do as they normally would: rally behind which ever government they have and remain as calm as they did, for instance, when they were struck in 2009 by the harshest economic downturn since the second world war.因此,默克尔只能希望,主流德国人的表现能够像往常一样:持正在台上的任何政府,像过去历次遭遇危机时(比如在2009年遭受自二战以来最严重的经济衰退时)一样保持平静。There is one simple thing that determines what happens next for Germany and the chancellor: rationality. 决定德国和德国总理将会遭遇何种命运的是一件简单的事:理性。Will Germans muster enough of that to see that terrorist attacks will occur no matter how many refugees a country has taken in?德国人还能有足够的理性,想明白无论一个国家接收的难民是多是少,恐怖主义袭击都是会发生的吗?Will they turn their backs on xenophobic anti-Muslim rhetoric, even though almost every recent attack in Europe has been launched by Muslim terrorists? And, ultimately, will a majority of Germans bravely accept the notion that nothing in the world, including compassion towards strangers, comes for free.他们是否将拒绝仇外主义的反穆斯林论调——即便欧洲近来发生的几乎每一起袭击都是穆斯林恐怖主义者所为?还有最后一条:大多数德国人是否能够勇敢地接受这一观念,即在这个世界上,没有任何东西是免费的,包括对陌生人的同情。No doubt Ms Merkel will give way to calls for tougher law and order policies. 毫无疑问,默克尔将向那些要求实施更严格的法律和秩序政策的呼声让步。She will push for faster processing of asylum seekers and for more extraditions of those who are not acknowledged as refugees. 她将推动加快对寻求庇护者的处理过程,并遣送更多未被承认为难民的人。She will also allow her party to campaign on symbolic gestures such as banning burkas from the streets and other public places. 她还将允许她所在的党在一些象征性姿态方面造势,比如禁止在街道和其他公共场所穿着burka罩袍。This might help to calm parts of her own party. 这可能有助于让她所在的党内的一部分人冷静下来。But she knows very well that it will not turn the tide if there are further attacks like the one in Berlin.但她深知,如果柏林袭击这样的事件再度发生,这些举动将无力扭转局势。At any rate, Ms Merkel will not quit her post. 无论如何,默克尔不会辞职。She will stay in her job because she perceives stepping down as desertion. 她将继续留在任上,因为她认为,下台就是逃跑。But any sort of guarantee against terrorist attacks is far beyond her reach.但对恐怖主义袭击做出任何形式的担保,都远远超过她的能力。It may yet turn out that the terrorist assault on Christmastime Berlin is the price of the German display of generosity so widely praised 18 months ago. 事实最终仍可能明,对德国圣诞集市的恐怖袭击,是德国人展现慷慨的代价,这种慷慨在18个月前曾受到世人如此普遍的称赞。To live with that frustrating idea will prove a test of Germany’s stiff upper lip — and the key to Ms Merkel’s political future.接受这种令人沮丧的想法将被明是对德国人沉着性格的考验——以及默克尔政治前途的关键。 /201612/485400。

How best to solve the pollution problems of a city sunk so deep within sulfurous clouds that it was described as hell on earth? Simply answered: Relocate all urban smoke-creating industry and encircle the metropolis of London with sweetly scented flowers and elegant hedges.一座城市已经深深沉浸在硫磺雾霾之中,被称之为人间地狱,这样的污染究竟应当如何治理才好?很简单:把城市里所有制造浓烟的工业设施都搬出去,用散发扑鼻香味的花朵与优雅的树篱环绕伦敦。It sounds like one of those wonderfully daffy Fabian schemes for the betterment of mankind that were embraced by the likes of George Bernard Shaw and the Webbs. In fact, as Christine L. Corton, a Cambridge scholar, reveals in her engrossing and magnificently researched new book, “London Fog,” this fragrant anti-smoke scheme was the brainchild of John Evelyn, the 17th-century diarist. King Charles II was said to be “much pleas’d” with Evelyn’s idea, and a bill against the smoky nuisance was duly drafted. Then — it’s the mournful leitmotif of most of Corton’s tale — nothing was done. Nobody at the time, and nobody right up to the middle of the 20th century, was willing to put public health above business interests.这听上去很像萧伯纳(George Bernard Shaw)和韦伯夫妇(Webbs)等人喜欢的那种疯狂的、旨在改良人类的费边主义(Fabian)方案。事实上,剑桥学者克里斯汀·L·科顿(Christine L. Corton)在她引人入胜、研究周详的新书《伦敦雾》(London Fog)中写道,这种“芬芳抗烟方案”,是17世纪日记作家约翰·伊夫林(John Evelyn)的想法。据说,查理二世国王对伊夫林这个点子“非常满意”,一份相应的抗烟害法案也被拟定出来。之后——这其实是科顿一书悲哀的主旋律——就没有下文了。在那个时候,没有人愿意把公共健康置于商业利益之上,这种情况一直延续到20世纪中叶。And yet it’s a surprise to discover how beloved a feature of London life these multicolored fogs became. “I am their painter,” Whistler announced with characteristic modesty. Another dabbler, Claude Monet, fleeing besieged Paris in 1870, fell in love with London’s vaporous, mutating clouds. Perched in a riverside room at the Savoy, he looked upon the familiar mist as his reliable collaborator. Confronted by a distressingly untypical instance of fog-free skies, Monet grew desperate: “It seemed all my canvases were going for naught.” He had to bide his time until “little by little, as the fires were lit, the smoke and the mist returned.”然而,让人惊讶的是,这些五颜六色的雾霾却成了受人喜爱的伦敦生活一景。“我是雾霾的画家,”惠斯勒(Whistler)带着他典型的谦逊说。1870年,另一位画家克劳德·莫奈逃出遭围城的巴黎,爱上了伦敦蒸汽缭绕、如同变异的雾霭。他住在萨沃伊的一处河畔小屋,把常见的雾霭视为可靠的合作伙伴。如果哪一天意外放晴,空中没有笼罩雾霾,莫奈就会特别失望:“我的所有画布好像都要空白一片了,”他不得不等待,直到“随着一家家的炉火渐渐点燃,烟雾与雾霾终于又回来了”。Visitors from abroad may have delighted in the fog, but homegrown artists lit candles and vainly scrubbed the grime from their gloom-filled studio windows. “Give us light!” Frederic Leighton pleaded to the unmoved guests at a Lord Mayor’s banquet in 1882, begging them to have pity on the poor painter and his “interminable hours, days and weeks of enforced idleness spent in the continuous contemplation of the ubiquitous yellow fog.” J.M.W. Turner never finished his rendering of the smoke-swathed “Thames Above Waterloo Bridge” because it lacked a buyer.来自国外的访客们或许很喜欢雾霾,但本土艺术家们却得点上蜡烛,还得徒劳地从脏兮兮的画室窗子上擦去煤尘污垢。“给我们光!”1882年,弗里德里克·莱顿(Frederic Leighton)在一次市长大人举办的宴会上向无动于衷的宾客们请求,请求他们可怜可怜这个贫苦的画家,“日复一日,周复一周,他只能在那绵延不绝、无处不在的黄色雾霾中虚度时光。”J·M·W·透纳(J. M. W. Turner)始终未能画完那副弥漫烟雾的《泰晤士河上的滑铁卢桥》(Thames Above Waterloo Bridge)的草图,因为根本就没有买家。Writers were equally divided. In fiction, Robert Louis Stevenson deployed fog images and vaporous metaphors to create the sense of menace that enfolds the mysterious activities of virtuous Dr. Jekyll’s evil other. In life, the gentle author (who suffered from respiratory problems all his life) attributed his own profound depressions to “nothing more definite than a certain hue of brown,” that same “great chocolate-colored pall” that hangs over the villainous Hyde.作家们分成两派。在小说中,罗伯特·路易斯·史蒂文森(Robert Louis Stevenson)使用雾霭弥漫的形象和隐喻,创造出充满威胁的感觉,逐渐揭示出善良的杰克尔士(Dr. Jekyll)另一个邪恶人格所作出的神秘行为。在生活中,史蒂文斯是个温和的人,毕生都受呼吸道疾病困扰。他说自己深沉的抑郁感“不为别的,就因为这棕褐的色调”,这也正是邪恶的海德身上披挂的“巧克力色的尸衣”。In contrast, Dickens reveled in fog, characterizing it, above all in “Bleak House,” as a venomous, slithering presence — a force his admirer Joseph Conrad would aspire to match in “The Secret Agent.” Nathaniel Hawthorne, visiting the city, found moral lessons in London’s fog, while Henry James gave it a social aspect (dank mists swirl through his working-class scenes). Mark Twain, barely visible to the tiny audiences who stumbled into a mist-veiled London lecture hall to hear him talk about “roughing it,” cut short that dismal effort.与他相反,狄更斯陶醉在雾霾之中,为它赋予个性,特别是在《荒凉山庄》(Bleak House)中,把它描述为一种恶毒而滑动着的存在,一种力量,后来他的崇拜者约瑟夫·康拉德(Joseph Conrad)在《密探》(The Secret Agent)中也对之着力进行描写。纳撒尼尔·霍桑(Nathaniel Hawthorne)来访时,从伦敦的雾霾中找到了道德教训,而亨利·詹姆斯(Henry James)则为之赋予了社会意义(在他笔下的工人阶级场景中,总是缭绕着阴冷的雾霭)。马克·吐温(Mark Twain)到烟雾弥漫的伦敦演讲厅演讲“艰苦岁月”,只有为数不多的几个观众摸索着来到这里,几乎看不见台上的他,他只好缩短了这场不幸的讲演。Twain’s complaints about the impenetrable murk alert us to the fact that London’s yellow pea-soupers (a term that derives from a much despised broth) were not confined to its streets. It’s fine to stand snugly beside Arthur Conan Doyle at a (closed) window above Baker Street while Sherlock Holmes imagines a murderer prowling through the foggy depths below, “as the tiger does the jungle, unseen until he .” And it’s funny (but also disquieting) to learn of a post-World WarI service inside St. Paul’s Cathedral when the fog hung so thickly that the text (“I Am the Light of the World”) boomed down from a pulpit that was lost from view.吐温抱怨这团看不透的黑暗雾霾,这让我们知道,遍布伦敦的黄色浓雾(它还有个别名叫“豌豆汤”,是一种非常难喝的汤)不仅仅是街头才有。隔着贝克街一扇关闭的窗子,它紧贴在阿瑟·柯南·道尔(Arthur Conan Doyle)身边,令夏洛克·福尔斯(Sherlock Holmes)想象一个谋杀犯是如何悄悄走过浓雾,“如同猛虎走在丛林,只有突袭时才现出身形。”有意思的是(但也令人不安),书中记载,“一战”后圣保罗大教堂里的一次宗教仪式上,雾霾实在太浓重,讲坛上刻着的字(“我是这世上的光”)都看不见了。The more serious side of Corton’s book documents how business has taken precedence over humanity where London’s history of pollution is concerned. A prevailing westerly wind meant that those dwelling to the east were always at most risk. Those who could afford it lived elsewhere: The east, where the Thames flows to Gravesend, was abandoned to the underclass. Those with enough means could always take flight from the inconvenient fog; the real sufferers were those with no escape, the voiceless poor.科顿的书中更严肃的记载是关于伦敦污染史上,商业的考虑是如何战胜了人性。经常刮西风意味着住在东边的人要承担更多风险。有钱人纷纷搬家,而伦敦东部,也就是泰晤士河流入格雷夫森的地方,成了下层阶级居住的所在。有办法的人总可以经常逃离讨厌的雾霾,真正受苦的还要算那些无法逃脱的人,那些无法发出声音的穷人。East London’s slum dwellers were of no interest to Victorian champions of free trade like John Bright. (A man who might plausibly have jumped from the pages of “Hard Times,” Bright boasted of having shot down every anti-smoke bill proposed in Parliament.) Lord Palmerston spoke up for choking East Enders in the 1850s, pointing a finger at the interests of the furnace owners (all living outside London) as opposed to their victims (all haplessly resident). A bill was passed, but there was little change. Eventually, another connection was established: between London’s perpetual veil of smog and its citizens’ cozily smoldering grates. The conclusion was obvious. Sadly, popular World War I songs like “Keep the Home Fires Burning” didn’t do much to encourage the adoption of smokeless fuel.东伦敦的贫民区居民们对维多利亚时期约翰·布莱特(John Bright)这样的自由贸易捍卫者一点都不感兴趣(布莱特其人活像是从狄更斯的《艰难时世》小说里跳出来的一样,他自夸自己击败了议会中提出的所有反对雾霾的法案)。19世纪50年代,帕默斯顿勋爵(Lord Palmerston)曾经为受雾霾所苦的东区人说话,责备那些大熔炉的主人们(他们都住在伦敦城外),说他们站在自己的受害者们(所有不幸的居民们)的对立面。后来通过了一项法案,但几乎什么也没有改变。最后,人们发现伦敦持续不断的雾霾也应当归因为市民家里的舒适炉火。这个结论显而易见。悲伤的是,流行的“一战”歌曲,如《让家中的炉火继续燃烧》之类并不能敦促人们改用无烟燃料。It wasn’t until what came to be known as the “Great Killer Fog” of 1952 that the casualty rate became impossible to ignore and the British press finally took up the cause. Harold Macmillan made cynical use of his powers as minister of housing to ensure that lung-friendly decisions would not be taken. It was left to a bullish M.P., Gerald Nabarro, to steer the Clean Air Act into law in 1956. Within a few years, even as the war against pollution was still in its infancy, the ded pea-soupers began to fade into mythology.直到1952年著名的“杀人大雾”(Great Killer Fog)导致死亡率再也无法忽视,英国媒体才终于行动起来。哈罗德·麦克米伦(Harold Macmillan)动用房屋部长手中的关键权力,阻挠对呼吸有利的决策获得通过。直到1956年,固执的杰拉德·纳巴罗(Gerald Nabarro)下议员才努力令《空气清洁法案》得以通过。短短几年之内,虽然反对污染的战斗还处于初级阶段,但可怕的浓雾便已经开始退去,成了神话般的存在。Corton’s book combines meticulous social history with a wealth of eccentric detail. Thus we learn that London’s ubiquitous plane trees were chosen for their shiny, fog-resistant foliage. And since Jack the Ripper actually went out to stalk his victims on fog-free nights, filmmakers had to fake the sort of dank, smoke-wreathed London scenes audiences craved. It’s discoveries like these that make ing “London Fog” such an unusual, enthralling and enlightening experience.科顿的书把内容详实的社会历史和丰富的古怪轶闻结合起来。我们从中读到,伦敦之所以到处都有法国梧桐,主要是因为它们闪闪发亮的叶片能够抵御雾霾。“开膛者杰克”其实都是在没有雾霾的夜晚外出尾随受害者的,电影制作者们却要伪造出雾霾遍布的阴郁伦敦场景,满足观众们的期望。类似的知识令《伦敦雾》成为一次非比寻常、兴奋刺激而又充满教益的阅读体验。 /201511/408836。

China#39;s first academy to train soccer coaches was inaugurated on last Saturday, after a plan that aims to build the country a world leading power in soccer by 2050 was rolled out.在一项关于2050年将我国建成世界一流足球强国的方案颁布之后,我国首家旨在培养足球教练的学院上周六正式挂牌成立。The soccer academy of Guangzhou Sport University will focus on training school coaches through the four-year bachelor degree and the first batch of 100 to 150 students will be admitted this September, reported Yangcheng Evening News.据羊城晚报报道,广州体育学院足球学院将重点培养足球教练,该校实行本科招生,学制4年,今年9月将招入首批学生100-150人。With more than 20 teachers, the academy has teamed up with a local club in coaches and referees training and will also bring soccer expertise to primary and secondary schools in rural areas of the province.目前该学院已有20多名教师,同时学院还与广州一家足球俱乐部协作,共同对教练员和裁判员进行培训。此外,还将会把足球专业知识带到省内的农村中小学当中去。The opening of this academy came a week after a long-term soccer development plan was announced.在一项长期的足球发展计划宣布一周之后,该学院正式开幕。According to the plan, China will become a dominant soccer power in Asia by 2030 and a world leading competitor two decades later through youth promotion and league development.该计划指出,中国将在2030年之前成为亚洲足球强国,在之后的20年,通过青少年的提升和联赛的发展,最终成为世界足球一流强国。 /201604/438839。