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2020年02月27日 08:27:26 | 作者:赶集信息 | 来源:新华社
John F. KennedyCivil Rights AddressGood evening, my fellow citizens:This afternoon, following a series of threats and defiant statements, the presence of Alabama National Guardsmen was required on the University of Alabama to carry out the final and unequivocal order of the ed States District Court of the Northern District of Alabama. That order called for the admission of two clearly qualified young Alabama residents who happened to have been born Negro. That they were admitted peacefully on the campus is due in good measure to the conduct of the students of the University of Alabama, who met their responsibilities in a constructive way.I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine his conscience about this and other related incidents. This Nation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.Today, we are committed to a worldwide struggle to promote and protect the rights of all who wish to be free. And when Americans are sent to Vietnam or West Berlin, we do not ask for whites only. It oughta be possible, therefore, for American students of any color to attend any public institution they select without having to be backed up by troops. It oughta to be possible for American consumers of any color to receive equal service in places of public accommodation, such as hotels and restaurants and theaters and retail stores, without being forced to resort to demonstrations in the street, and it oughta be possible for American citizens of any color to register and to vote in a free election without interference or fear of reprisal. It oughta to be possible, in short, for every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color. In short, every American ought to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated, as one would wish his children to be treated. But this is not the case.The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the State in which he is born, has about one-half as much chance of completing a high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day, one-third as much chance of completing college, one-third as much chance of becoming a professional man, twice as much chance of becoming unemployed, about one-seventh as much chance of earning ,000 a year, a life expectancy which is 7 years shorter, and the prospects of earning only half as much.This is not a sectional issue. Difficulties over segregation and discrimination exist in every city, in every State of the Union, producing in many cities a rising tide of discontent that threatens the public safety. Nor is this a partisan issue. In a time of domestic crisis men of good will and generosity should be able to unite regardless of party or politics. This is not even a legal or legislative issue alone. It is better to settle these matters in the courts than on the streets, and new laws are needed at every level, but law alone cannot make men see right. We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the Scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution.The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated. If an American, because his skin is dark, cannot eat lunch in a restaurant open to the public, if he cannot send his children to the best public school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who will represent him, if, in short, he cannot enjoy the full and free life which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place? Who among us would then be content with the counsels of patience and delay?One hundred years of delay have passed since President Lincoln freed the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not fully free. They are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice. They are not yet freed from social and economic oppression. And this Nation, for all its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until all its citizens are free. We preach freedom around the world, and we mean it, and we cherish our freedom here at home, but are we to say to the world, and much more importantly, to each other that this is the land of the free except for the Negroes; that we have no second-class citizens except Negroes; that we have no class or caste system, no ghettoes, no master race except with respect to Negroes?Now the time has come for this Nation to fulfill its promise. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the cries for equality that no city or State or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them. The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city, North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstrations, parades, and protests which create tensions and threaten violence and threaten lives.We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and a people. It cannot be met by repressive police action. It cannot be left to increased demonstrations in the streets. It cannot be quieted by token moves or talk. It is a time to act in the Congress, in your State and local legislative body and, above all, in all of our daily lives. It is not enough to pin the blame on others, to say this a problem of one section of the country or another, or deplore the facts that we face. A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is to make that revolution, that change, peaceful and constructive for all. Those who do nothing are inviting shame, as well as violence. Those who act boldly are recognizing right, as well as reality.Next week I shall ask the Congress of the ed States to act, to make a commitment it has not fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law. The Federal judiciary has upheld that proposition in a series of forthright cases. The Executive Branch has adopted that proposition in the conduct of its affairs, including the employment of Federal personnel, the use of Federal facilities, and the sale of federally financed housing. But there are other necessary measures which only the Congress can provide, and they must be provided at this session. The old code of equity law under which we live commands for every wrong a remedy, but in too many communities, in too many parts of the country, wrongs are inflicted on Negro citizens and there are no remedies at law. Unless the Congress acts, their only remedy is the street.I am, therefore, asking the Congress to enact legislation giving all Americans the right to be served in facilities which are open to the public -- hotels, restaurants, theaters, retail stores, and similar establishments. This seems to me to be an elementary right. Its denial is an arbitrary indignity that no American in 1963 should have to endure, but many do.I have recently met with scores of business leaders urging them to take voluntary action to end this discrimination, and I have been encouraged by their response, and in the last two weeks over 75 cities have seen progress made in desegregating these kinds of facilities. But many are unwilling to act alone, and for this reason, nationwide legislation is needed if we are to move this problem from the streets to the courts.I'm also asking the Congress to authorize the Federal Government to participate more fully in lawsuits designed to end segregation in public education. We have succeeded in persuading many districts to desegregate voluntarily. Dozens have admitted Negroes without violence. Today, a Negro is attending a State-supported institution in every one of our 50 States, but the pace is very slow.Too many Negro children entering segregated grade schools at the time of the Supreme Court's decision nine years ago will enter segregated high schools this fall, having suffered a loss which can never be restored. The lack of an adequate education denies the Negro a chance to get a decent job.The orderly implementation of the Supreme Court decision, therefore, cannot be left solely to those who may not have the economic resources to carry the legal action or who may be subject to harassment.Other features will be also requested, including greater protection for the right to vote. But legislation, I repeat, cannot solve this problem alone. It must be solved in the homes of every American in every community across our country. In this respect I wanna pay tribute to those citizens North and South who've been working in their communities to make life better for all. They are acting not out of sense of legal duty but out of a sense of human decency. Like our soldiers and sailors in all parts of the world they are meeting freedom's challenge on the firing line, and I salute them for their honor and their courage.My fellow Americans, this is a problem which faces us all -- in every city of the North as well as the South. Today, there are Negroes unemployed, two or three times as many compared to whites, inadequate education, moving into the large cities, unable to find work, young people particularly out of work without hope, denied equal rights, denied the opportunity to eat at a restaurant or a lunch counter or go to a movie theater, denied the right to a decent education, denied almost today the right to attend a State university even though qualified. It seems to me that these are matters which concern us all, not merely Presidents or Congressmen or Governors, but every citizen of the ed States.This is one country. It has become one country because all of us and all the people who came here had an equal chance to develop their talents. We cannot say to ten percent of the population that you can't have that right; that your children cannot have the chance to develop whatever talents they have; that the only way that they are going to get their rights is to go in the street and demonstrate. I think we owe them and we owe ourselves a better country than that.Therefore, I'm asking for your help in making it easier for us to move ahead and to provide the kind of equality of treatment which we would want ourselves; to give a chance for every child to be educated to the limit of his talents.As I've said before, not every child has an equal talent or an equal ability or equal motivation, but they should have the equal right to develop their talent and their ability and their motivation, to make something of themselves.We have a right to expect that the Negro community will be responsible, will uphold the law, but they have a right to expect that the law will be fair, that the Constitution will be color blind, as Justice Harlan said at the turn of the century.This is what we're talking about and this is a matter which concerns this country and what it stands for, and in meeting it I ask the support of all our citizens.Thank you very much.200805/39824演讲文本US President's speech on many key priorities of the American people (July 30,2005) THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. This year Congress and I have addressed many key priorities of the American people and we're making great progress. At the start of the year, I urged Congress to ease the burden of junk lawsuits on American workers, businesses and families, so Congress passed, and I signed, bipartisan class-action reform. We called for restoring integrity to the bankruptcy process, so Congress passed, and I signed common-sense reform of our nation's bankruptcy laws. I requested vital funds for our men and women in uniform, so Congress passed, and I proudly signed, critical legislation to give our troops the resources they need to fight and win the war on terror. This past week has brought even more progress, with four major achievements. First, I signed into law a patient safety bill that will improve our health care system by reducing medical errors. Second, Congress came to an agreement on a highway bill that will improve safety, modernize our roads and bridges, and create jobs. Third, Congress passed the Central American-Dominican Republic Free Trade Agreement. This historic agreement will reduce barriers to American goods, services and crops, and make our nation more secure by strengthening the young democracies in our neighborhood. Finally, after years of debate, Republicans and Democrats in Congress came together to pass a comprehensive energy plan that will reduce America's dependence on foreign sources of energy. This bill will encourage conservation and efficiency, increase domestic production, promote alternative and renewable resources, and modernize the electricity grid. I thank the members of Congress who worked so hard on this vital legislation and I look forward to signing it into law. As members of Congress return home for their August recess, I plan to travel to seven states around the country. I will talk to Americans about our growing economy. Thanks to the tax relief we passed and the spending restraint, our economy today is growing faster than any other major industrialized country. The unemployment rate is down to 5 percent, lower than the average of the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s. We created more than 2 million jobs in the past 12 months; more Americans are working today than ever before in our nation's history. The 2005 deficit is projected to be billion less than previously expected, and we're now ahead of the pace needed to meet my goal of cutting the deficit in half by . We have more to do, and I will not be satisfied until every American who wants to work can find a job. I look forward to talking to the American people about our plans to continue strengthening the economic security of America's seniors and working families. During August, I will also meet with our troops and their families, and update the American people on the latest developments in the war on terror. We have a comprehensive strategy in place; we're improving our homeland security and intelligence. The House renewed the key provisions of the Patriot Act that were set to expire at the end of this year. And I call on the Senate to do the same. We're also sping freedom, because free countries are peaceful. And we're staying on the offensive against the terrorists, fighting them abroad so we do not have to face them here at home. I also urge members of the Senate to use August to prepare to act on my nomination of Judge John Roberts to serve on the Supreme Court. This talented and capable man will fairly interpret the Constitution and laws, not legislate from the bench. Judge Roberts' time on the D.C. Circuit Court, his service at the Department of Justice and at the White House in two administrations, his impressive career as a top attorney in private practice, and his stellar academic and legal background demonstrate why Americans of all points of view have expressed their support for him. One of the highest honors for any lawyer is to argue a case before the Supreme Court. In his extraordinary career, Judge Roberts has argued a remarkable 39 cases before the nation's highest court. I look forward to working with the Senate in the weeks ahead so that Judge Roberts can receive a timely and dignified hearing and be confirmed before the Court reconvenes on October 3rd. Our achievements so far this year show how much can be done when we come together to do what is right for the American people. When Congress returns in September, I will continue to work with the Republicans and Democrats to build on this good progress for all Americans. Thank you for listening.200603/5054THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. On Friday, I met with a group of veterans and military families who support our troops and our mission in Iraq. These men and women know the tremendous sacrifices that our troops and their families are making. And I appreciate the good work their organizations are doing to support our men and women in uniform in their important mission to protect the ed States. This week Americans saw more evidence of how difficult that mission is -- and how central it is to our security. The Director of National Intelligence released a summary of an important document called the National Intelligence Estimate on the Terrorist Threat to the U.S. Homeland. This assessment brings together the analysis of our entire intelligence community and provides policymakers with an up-to-date picture of the threat we face. I know you are hearing a lot about this document. Some of its assessments are encouraging, and others are cause for concern. Most importantly, this document reminds us that America faces "a persistent and evolving" threat from Islamic terrorist groups and cells -- especially al Qaeda. Since al Qaeda attacked us on 9/11, the ed States has taken many steps to keep the American people safe. We've gone on the offense, taking the fight to the terrorists around the world. We've worked with partners overseas to monitor terrorist movements, disrupt their finances, and bring them to justice. Here at home, we've strengthened security at borders and vital infrastructure like power plants and airports and subways. We have given intelligence and law enforcement professionals new tools like the Patriot Act, and we continue to work with Congress to modernize the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. The actions we and our partners around the world have taken have helped disrupt plots and save lives. Here's how the NIE report put it -- e -- "We assess that greatly increased worldwide counterterrorism efforts over the past five years have constrained the ability of al Qaeda to attack the U.S. homeland again and have led terrorist groups to perceive the homeland as a harder target to strike than on 9/11." The NIE report also cites some setbacks. One of the most troubling is its assessment that al Qaeda has managed to establish a safe haven in the tribal areas of Pakistan bordering Afghanistan. Last September, President Musharraf of Pakistan reached an agreement that gave tribal leaders more responsibility for policing their own areas. Unfortunately, tribal leaders were unwilling and unable to go after al Qaeda or the Taliban. President Musharraf recognizes the agreement has not been successful or well-enforced and is taking active steps to correct it. Earlier this month, he sent in Pakistani forces to go after radicals who seized control of a mosque, and then he delivered a speech vowing to rid all of Pakistan of extremism. Pakistani forces are in the fight, and many have given their lives. The ed States supports them in these efforts. And we will work with our partners to deny safe haven to the Taliban and al Qaeda in Pakistan -- or anywhere else in the world. Nearly six years have passed since 9/11. And as time goes by, it can be tempting to think that the threat of another attack on our homeland is behind us. The NIE report makes clear that the threat is not behind us. It states that al Qaeda will continue to -- and I e -- "focus on prominent political, economic, and infrastructure targets with the goal of producing mass casualties, visually dramatic destruction, significant economic aftershocks, and/or fear among the U.S. population." It goes on to say that al Qaeda will continue to seek chemical, biological, radiological, or nuclear material to use in these attacks. The men who run al Qaeda are determined, capable, and ruthless. They would be in a far stronger position to attack our people if America's military, law enforcement, intelligence services, and other elements of our government were not engaged in a worldwide effort to stop them. We will meet the responsibility that history has given us; we will adapt to changing conditions, and we will not let up until our enemies are defeated and our people are secure. Thank you for listening. 200801/23803

Franklin Delano Roosevelt:The Four FreedomsDelivered6 January,1941AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED:Textversion belowtranscribeddirectlyfromaudioMr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77 th Congress:I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a momentunprecedented in the historyof the union. I use the word ;unprecedented; because at no previous time has Americansecurity been as seriously threatened from without as itis today.Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitutionin 1789, most of theperiods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only oneof these thefouryearwar between the States everthreatened our nationalunity.Today, thank God, 130,000,000Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compassin our national unity.Itis true that prior to 1914 the ed States oftenhas been disturbed by events in othercontinents. We have even engaged in two warswithEuropeannations and in a number ofundeclared wars inthe WestIndies, inthe Mediterranean and inthe Pacific, for themaintenance of American rights and for the principles of peacefulcommerce. But in no casehad a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.WhatI seek to convey is the historic truththat the ed States as a nationhas at all timesmaintained opposition clear,definite opposition toany attemptto lock us in behind anancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of ourchildren and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other partof the Americas.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page1AmericanRhetoric.comThat determination of ours, extending over allthese years, was proved,for example, in theearly days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While theNapoleonic struggles did threateninterests of the ed States because of the Frenchfoothold in the WestIndies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in theWar of 1812 tovindicate our right to peacefultrade,it is nevertheless clear thatneither France nor GreatBritainnor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 ninetynineyears nosingle war in Europe or inAsia constituted a real threat against our futureor against the future of any other Americannation.Except inthe Maximilian interlude in Mexico, noforeign power sought toestablish itself in thishemisphere. And the strength of the Britishfleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength. itis still a friendly strength.Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed tocontain only smallthreat of dangerto our ownAmericanfuture. But as time went on, as we remember, the American peoplebegan to visualize whatthe downfall of democratic nations mightmean to our owndemocracy.We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp onfailure of the democracies to deal withproblems of world reconstruction. We should rememberthatthe peace of 1919 was far less unjust thanthe kind of pacification whichbegan evenbefore Munich, and whichis being carried onunder the new order of tyranny that seeks tosp over every continent today. The American people have unalterably settheir facesagainstthat tyranny.I suppose that every realist knows thatthe democratic way of life is atthis moment beingdirectly assailed in every part of the world assailedeither by arms or by secret sping ofpoisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discordin nations thatare still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted outthe whole pattern ofdemocratic life in an appalling number of independentnations, great and small. And theassailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to;give tothe Congressinformation of the state of the union,;Ifind it unhappily necessary to reportthatthe futureand the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events farbeyond our borders.Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged infour continents. Ifthat defense fails, all the population and all theresources of Europe and Asia, and Africa andAustralAsiawill be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of thosepopulations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatlyexceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the WesternHemisphere yes,many times over.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page2AmericanRhetoric.comIntimes like these it is immature and,incidentally, untrue foranybody to brag that anunprepared America, singlehandedand with one hand tied behind its back, canhold off thewhole world.No realistic American can expect from a dictatorrsquo;s peace international generosity, or return oftrue independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion oreven good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors.Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserveneither liberty nor safety.As a nation we may take pride inthe factthat we are softhearted.but we cannot afford to besoftheaded.We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinklingcymbal preach the ;ism; of appeasement. We mustespecially beware of that small group ofselfishmen who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order tofeather their ownnests.I have recently pointed outhow quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into ourverymidst the physical attack which we must eventually expectif the dictator nations win thiswar.There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and directinvasionfrom across theseas.Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Evenifthere were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enoughtoattack us by landing troops inthe ed Statesfrom across thousands of miles of ocean, untilit had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.But we learnmuch from the lessons of the pastyears inEurope particularlythe lesson ofNorway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over aseries of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing ofregular troops.The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and bytheir dupes andgreatnumbers of them are aly here and in LatinAmerica. As long asthe aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the placeand the method of their attack.And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger.That iswhy this annual messagetothe Congress is unique in our history. That is why every memberof the executive branch of the government andevery member of the Congress face greatresponsibility, great accountability. The need ofthe momentis that our actions and our policyshould be devoted primarily almostexclusively tomeeting this foreign peril. For all ourdomestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.Just as our national policy ininternal affairs has been based upon a decentrespectfor therights and the dignity of all our fellowmen within our gates, so our national policy in foreignaffairs has been based on a decent respectfor the rights and the dignity of all nations, largeand small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page3AmericanRhetoric.comOur national policy is this:First, by an impressive expression of the publicwill and without regard to partisanship, we arecommitted to allinclusivenational defense.Secondly, by animpressive expression of the public will and without regard topartisanship,we are committed to full support of allthose resolute people everywhere who are resistingaggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. Bythis support weexpress our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen thedefense and the security of our ownnation.Third, by an impressive expression of the publicwill and without regard to partisanship, weare committed to the proposition that principlesof morality and considerations for our ownsecurity willnever permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored byappeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought atthe cost of other peoplesfreedom.Inthe recent national election there was no substantial difference betweenthe two greatparties in respectto that national policy. Noissue was fought out on this line before theAmerican electorate.And today itis abundantly evidentthatAmerican citizens everywhereare demanding and supporting speedy and complete actionin recognition of obvious danger.Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production.Leaders of industry and labor have respondedto our summons. Goals of speed have beenset. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. Insome cases we are onschedule. inother cases there are slight butnot serious delays. And in some cases and,Iam sorry to say,very important cases weare all concerned by the slowness of theaccomplishment of our plans.The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year.Actualexperience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passingday. And todays best is not good enoughfor tomorrow.I am not satisfied withthe progress thus far made. The men in charge of the programrepresent the bestin training,in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied withtheprogress thus far made.None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.No matter whether the original goal was settoo high or too low, our objective is quicker andbetter results.To give youtwo illustrations:We are behind schedule in turning outfinished airplanes.We are working day and nighttosolve the innumerable problems and tocatchup.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page4AmericanRhetoric.comWe are ahead of schedule in building warships,but we are working to geteven further aheadof that schedule.To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to abasis of wartime production of implements of war is nosmall task. And the greatest difficultycomes atthe beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assemblylines, new shipways mustfirst be constructed before the actual material begins to flowsteadily and speedily from them.The Congress of course, mustrightly keep itselfinformed at alltimes of the progress of theprogram. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will ily recognize,which, in the interests of our ownsecurity and those of the nations that we are supporting,must of needs be kept in confidence.New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. Ishall ask thisCongress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what wehave begun.I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient tomanufacture additionalmunitions and war supplies of many kinds,to be turned over tothose nations which are nowin actual war with aggressor nations. Our mostuseful and immediate role is to act as anarsenalfor them as well as for ourselves. They do notneed manpower, but they doneedbillions of dollarsrsquo; worth of the weapons of defense.The time is near whenthey willnot be able to pay for them allin y cash. We cannot, andwe willnot, tell them thatthey mustsurrendermerely because of presentinability to pay forthe weapons which we know they musthave.I donot recommend that we make them a loanof dollars with which to pay for these weaponsaloanto be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations tocontinue to obtain war materials in the ed States, fitting their orders into our ownprogram. And nearly all of their material would,if the time ever came, be usefulin our owndefense.Taking counsel of expertmilitary and naval authorities, considering whatis best for our ownsecurity, we are free todecide how much should be kept here and how much should be sentabroad to our friends who, by their determinedand heroic resistance, are giving us time inwhichtomake y our own defense.For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following theclose of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kindswhichthey can produce and which we need.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page5AmericanRhetoric.comLetus say to the democracies: ;We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense offreedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to giveyouthe strengthto regain and maintain a free world. We shallsend youin everincreasingnumbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. Thatis our purpose and our pledge.;Infulfillment of this purpose we willnot be intimidated by the threats of dictators thattheywill regard as a breach of internationallaw or as an act of war our aid tothe democracieswhich dare to resisttheir aggression. Such aid Suchaid is not an act of war, evenif adictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.And whenthe dictators ifthe dictators arey to make war uponus, they willnot waitfor an act of war on our part.They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Theironly interestis in a new onewayinternational law, whichlacks mutuality in its observanceand therefore becomes aninstrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations ofAmericans may well depend on how effective and howimmediate we canmake our aidfelt. No one cantellthe exact character of the emergency situations that we may be calledupontomeet. The nations hands mustnot be tied whenthe nations life is in danger.Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, tomake the sacrifices that the emergency almostas serious as war itself demands.Whatever stands in the way of speed andefficiency in defense, in defense preparations ofanykind,mustgive way tothe nationalneed.A free nation has the rightto expect full cooperation from all groups.A free nationhas therighttolook tothe leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the leadinstimulating effort, not among other groups butwithintheir own group.The best way of dealing withthe few slackers or troublemakersin our midstis, first, toshame them by patriotic example, and if thatfails, to use the sovereignty of governmenttosave government.Asmen donotlive by b alone,they donot fight by armaments alone.Those who man ourdefenses and those behind them who build ourdefenses musthave the stamina and thecourage which come from unshakable belief inthe manner of life which they aredefending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all thethings worth fighting for.The nationtakes great satisfaction and much strengthfrom the things which have been doneto make its people conscious of their individual stake inthe preservation of democratic life inAmerica.Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith andstrengthened their devotiontothe institutions we make y to protect.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page6AmericanRhetoric.comCertainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problemswhich are the rootcause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in theworld. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strongdemocracy.The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems aresimple.They are:Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.Jobs for those who can work.Security for those who need it.The ending of special privilege for the few.The preservation of civilliberties for all.The enjoyment Theenjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantlyrising standard of living.These are the simple, the basic things thatmust never be lostsight of in the turmoil andunbelievable complexity of our modern world.The inner and abiding strength of our economicand politicalsystems is dependentupon the degree to whichthey fulfillthese expectations.Manysubjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. Asexamples:We should bring more citizens under the coverage of oldagepensions and unemploymentinsurance.We should widenthe opportunities for adequatemedicalcare.We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employmentmay obtainit.I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost allAmericans to respond tothat call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more moneyin taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defenseprogram be paid for from taxationthan we are paying for today. No person should try, or beallowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance withability to pay should be constantly before our eyes toguide our legislation.If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks,will give you their applause.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page7AmericanRhetoric.comInthe future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world foundeduponfour essentialhuman freedoms.The first is freedom of speech and expression everywherein the world.Thesecond is freedom of every persontoworship God inhis ownwayeverywhereintheworld.The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economicunderstandings which will secure toevery nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants everywherein the world.The fourthis freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a worldwidereduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashionthat nonation will bein a positionto commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor anywherein theworld.That is no vision of a distantmillennium. Itis adefinite basis for a kind of world attainable inour own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the socalled;neworder; of tyranny which the dictators seek to create withthe crash of a bomb.To that new order we oppose the greater conception themoral order. A good society is ableto face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.Since the beginning of our American history wehave been engagedin change, in a perpetual,peaceful revolution, arevolution which goes onsteadily, quietly, adjusting itself tochangingconditions withoutthe concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order whichwe seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.This nation has placedits destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free menand women, and its faithin freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means thesupremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes tothose who struggle to gain thoserights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.To that high concept there can be no end save victory. /201205/182144

Hi, everybody. Earlier this week, I spent some time with the hardworking men and women of the American auto industry, who are busy writing a new chapter in Americarsquo;s story.Just a few years ago, their industry was shedding hundreds of thousands of jobs. Two of the Big Three ndash; GM and Chrysler ndash; were on the brink of failure. If we had let this great American industry collapse ndash; if we had let Detroit go bankrupt ndash; more than one million Americans would have lost their jobs in the middle of the worst recession since the Great Depression.I refused to let that happen. These jobs are worth more than just a paycheck ndash; theyrsquo;re a source of pride and a ticket to the middle class. These companies are worth more than just the cars they build ndash; theyrsquo;re a symbol of American innovation and a source of our manufacturing might.So in exchange for help, we demanded responsibility. We got the companies to retool and restructure. Everyone sacrificed. And three years later, the American auto industry is back.Today, GM is the number one automaker in the world. Chrysler is growing faster in America than any other car company. Ford is investing billions in American plants and factories, and plans to bring thousands of jobs back home. All told, the entire industry has added more than 200,000 new jobs over the past two and a half years.And theyrsquo;re not just building cars again ndash; theyrsquo;re building better cars. Thanks to new fuel efficiency standards we put in place, theyrsquo;re building cars that will average nearly 55 miles per gallon by the middle of the next decade. Thatrsquo;s almost double what they get today. That means folks will be able to fill up every two weeks instead of every week, saving the typical family more than ,000 at the pump over time. Thatrsquo;s a big deal, especially as families are yet again feeling the pinch from rising gas prices.So whatrsquo;s happening in Detroit will make a difference. But it wonrsquo;t solve everything. Therersquo;s no silver bullet for avoiding spikes in gas prices every year. Therersquo;s no shortcut to taking control of our energy future. We have to pursue an all-of-the-above strategy that helps develop every source of American energy. And we have to do it now.The good news is, wersquo;ve been making progress. Take a look at this chart. Six years ago, 60% of the oil we used was imported. Since I took office, Americarsquo;s dependence on foreign oil has decreased every single year. In fact, in 2010, for the first time in thirteen years, less than half the petroleum we consumed was imported. Part of that is because wersquo;re producing more oil here at home than at any time in the last eight years.But we canrsquo;t just drill our way out of this problem. While we consume 20 percent of the worldrsquo;s oil, we only have 2 percent of the worldrsquo;s oil reserves. Wersquo;ve got to develop new technology that will help us use new forms of energy. Thatrsquo;s been a priority of mine as President. And because of the investments wersquo;ve made, our use of clean, renewable energy has nearly doubled ndash; and thousands of Americans have jobs because of it.Now we need to keep at it. And to do that, we need to make the right choices.Herersquo;s one we can make right now. Every year, billion of your tax dollars go to subsidizing the oil industry. These are the same companies making record profits ndash; tens of billions of dollars a year. I donrsquo;t think oil companies need more corporate welfare. Congress should end this taxpayer giveaway. If you agree with me, Irsquo;m asking you to e-mail, call, or Tweet your representative. Tell them to stop fighting for oil companies. Tell them to start fighting for working families. Tell them to fight for the clean energy future thatrsquo;s within our reach. Because the sooner we all get started, the sooner wersquo;ll get there together. Thanks and have a great weekend.201203/173505

Franklin Delano Roosevelt: First Inaugural Address [AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends: This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources. Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.We must act. We must act quickly.And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people's money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic justment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the ed States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.If I the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, y and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the ed States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.200606/7515

Richard M. NixonResignationAddressdelivered8 August1974AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED:Textversion belowtranscribeddirectlyfromaudioGood evening:This is the 37th time I have spoken toyou fromthis office, where so many decisions havebeen madethat shape the history of this nation. Eachtime Ihave done soto discuss with yousome matter that I believe affected the nationalinterest. In allthe decisions Ihave madeinmy public life I have always tried to do what was best for the nation.Throughout the long and difficult period of Watergate,Ihave felt it was my duty to perseveretomake every possible effortto complete the term of office to whichyou elected me. Inthepastfew days, however, it has become evidentto me thatIno longer have a strong enoughpolitical base in the Congress to justify continuing that effort. Aslong as there was such abase, I felt strongly that it was necessary to see the constitutional process throughto itsconclusion. thatto do otherwise would be unfaithfultothe spirit of that deliberately difficultprocess, and a dangerously destabilizing precedent for the future. But withthe disappearanceof that base,Inow believe thatthe constitutional purpose has been served. And there is nolonger a need for the process to be prolonged.I would have preferred to carry throughtothe finish whatever the personal agony it wouldhave involved, and my family unanimously urged me to do so. Butthe interests of the nationmust always come before any personal considerations.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page1AmericanRhetoric.comFrom the discussions Ihave had with Congressional and other leaders I have concluded thatbecause of the Watergate matter Imightnothave the support of the Congress that I wouldconsider necessary to back the very difficult decisions and carry outthe duties of this office inthe way the interests of the nation will require.I have never been a quitter.To leave office before my term is completed is abhorrent to every instinctin my body.But asPresident, I must put the interests of America first.America needs a fulltimePresident and a fulltimeCongress, particularly at this time withproblems we face athome and abroad. Tocontinue tofightthrough the months aheadfor mypersonal vindication would almosttotally absorb the time and attention of both the Presidentand the Congress in a period when our entire focus should be onthe greatissues of peaceabroad and prosperity without inflation at home.Therefore, I shallresign the Presidency effective atnoontomorrow.Vice President Ford will be swornin as President atthathour in this office.AsI recallthe highhopes for America with which we began this second term, I feel a greatsadness thatI willnot be here inthis office working on your behalf to achieve those hopes inthe next two and a half years. But in turning over direction of the Governmentto VicePresident Ford Iknow, as Itold the nation when Inominated him for that office ten monthsago, thatthe leadership of America would be in good hands.In passing this office tothe Vice President, I also do so with the profound sense of the weightof responsibility that will fall onhis shoulders tomorrow, and therefore of the understanding,the patience, the cooperationhe willneed from allAmericans. As he assumes thatresponsibility he will deserve the help and the support of all of us. As we look tothe future,the first essential is to beginhealing the wounds of this nation. To put the bitterness anddivisions of the recent past behind us and to rediscover those sharedideals that lie attheheart of our strength and unity as a great and as a free people.Bytaking this action, Ihope that I will have hastened the start of that process of healingwhichis so desperately needed in America. Iregret deeply any injuries that may have beendone inthe course of the events that led to this decision. I would say only thatif some of myjudgments were wrong andsome were wrong theywere made in what I believed atthetime to be the best interests of the nation.To those whohave stood withme during thesepast difficult months, to my family, my friends,the many others who joined in supporting my cause because they believed it was right, I willbe eternally grateful for your support. And tothose whohave not felt able to give me yoursupport, letme say Ileave withno bitterness toward those whohave opposed me, because allof us in the final analysis have beenconcerned withthe good of the country, however ourjudgments might differ.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page2AmericanRhetoric.comSo letus allnow join together in affirming thatcommon commitment and in helping our newPresident succeed for the benefit of allAmericans. Ishall leave this office with regret atnotcompleting my term but with gratitude for the privilege of serving as your President for thepastfive and a half years. These years have been a momentous time in the history of ournation and the world. They have been a time ofachievementin which we can all be proud,achievements that represent the shared efforts of the administration, the Congress and thepeople. Butthe challenges ahead are equally great. And they, too, will require the support andthe efforts of the Congress and the people, working in cooperation withthe newAdministration.We have endedAmericas longest war. But in the work of securing a lasting peace in theworld, the goals ahead are even more farreachingand more difficult. We must complete astructure of peace,so that it will be said of this generation ourgeneration of Americans bythe people of allnations, not only that we ended one war but that we prevented futurewars.We have unlocked the doors that for a quarter of a century stood betweenthe ed Statesand the Peoples Republic of China.We must now insure thatthe onequarterof the worldspeople who live in the Peoples Republic of China will be and remain, not our enemies, but ourfriends.Inthe Middle East, 100million people in the Arab countries, many of whom have consideredus their enemy for nearly 20 years, nowlook on us as their friends.We must continue to buildon that friendship sothat peace can settle atlast over the Middle East and sothat the cradleof civilization willnot become its grave. Together with the Soviet Union we have made thecrucial breakthroughs thathave begunthe process of limiting nuclear arms. But, we must setas our goal, not just limiting, but reducing and finally destroying these terrible weapons, sothatthey cannot destroy civilization. And so that the threat of nuclear war willnolonger hangover the world and the people.We have opened a new relation with the Soviet Union. Wemustcontinue to develop and expand that new relationship, sothat the two strongest nationsof the world willlive together in cooperation rather than confrontation.Around the world inAsia,in Africa,in Latin America, in the Middle Eastthereare millionsof people who live in terrible poverty, even starvation. We mustkeep as our goal turning awayfrom production for war and expanding production for peace so that people everywhere onthis earthcan at lastlook forward, in their childrens time, if not in our owntime, to havingthe necessities for a decentlife. Here, in America, we are fortunate that most of our peoplehave not only the blessings of liberty but alsothe means tolive full and good, and by theworlds standards even abundantlives.We must press on, however, toward a goal notonly of more and better jobs but of fullopportunity for every American, and of what we are striving so hard rightnowto achieve prosperitywithout inflation.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page3AmericanRhetoric.comFor more than a quarter of a century in public life, Ihave sharedinthe turbulenthistory ofthis evening.Ihave fought for what I believe in. Ihave tried,tothe best of my ability, todischarge those duties and meet those responsibilities that were entrusted tome. SometimesI have succeeded. And sometimes Ihave failed.But always Ihave taken heart from whatTheodore Roosevelt once said aboutthe maninthe arena, whose face is marred by dust andsweat and blood, who strives valiantly, whoerrs and comes short again and again becausethere is not effort withouterror and shortcoming, but who does actually strive to do the deed,who knows the great enthusiasms, the great devotions, who spends himself in a worthycause, who atthe bestknows in the end the triumphs of high achievements and withtheworstif he fails, atleastfails while daring greatly.I pledge to youtonightthat as long as I have a breath of life in my body, Ishall continue inthat spirit. Ishall continue to work for the greatcauses to whichIhave been dedicatedthroughout my years as a Congressman, aSenator, Vice President and President, the cause ofpeace notjustfor America but among allnations prosperity,justice and opportunity forall of our people.There is one cause above all to which I have been devoted and to which I shall always bedevoted for as long as Ilive.When Ifirst took the oath of office as Presidentfive and a half years ago, Imadethis sacredcommitment: to consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon tothecause of peace among nations. Ive done my very bestin allthe days since to be true tothatpledge.As a result of these efforts, I am confident that the world is a safer place today, notonly for the people of America but for the people of allnations, and that all of our childrenhave a better chance than before of living in peace rather than dying in war.This, more than anything, is what Ihopedto achieve when I soughtthe Presidency.This, more than anything, is what Ihope will bemy legacy to you, to our country, as Ileavethe Presidency.To have served in this office is tohave felt a very personal sense of kinship with each andevery American.Inleaving it, I doso with this prayer: May Gods grace be with youin allthe days ahead. /201205/182143

President Obama's remarks on the earthquake in Haiti在加勒比岛国海地本月12日发生强烈地震后,国际社会纷纷伸出援手,表示将向海地提供人道主义援助。美国总统奥巴马13日就海地遭遇强震发表讲话,承诺美国将迅速积极反应,全力帮助海地救灾。以下是他讲话的全文。Good morning, everybody. This morning I want to extend to the people of Haiti the deep condolences and unwavering support of the American people following yesterday’s terrible earthquake.We are just now beginning to learn the extent of the devastation, but the reports and images that we’ve seen of collapsed hospitals, crumbled homes, and men and women carrying their injured neighbors through the streets are truly heart-wrenching. Indeed, for a country and a people who are no strangers to hardship and suffering, this tragedy seems especially cruel and incomprehensible. Our thoughts and prayers are also with the many Haitian-Americans around our country who do not yet know the fate of their families and loved ones back home.I have directed my administration to respond with a swift, coordinated, and aggressive effort to save lives. The people of Haiti will have the full support of the ed States in the urgent effort to rescue those trapped beneath the rubble, and to deliver the humanitarian relief — the food, water and medicine — that Haitians will need in the coming days. In that effort, our government, especially USAID and the Departments of State and Defense, are working closely together and with our partners in Haiti, the region, and around the world.Right now our efforts are focused on several urgent priorities. First, we’re working quickly to account for U.S. embassy personnel and their families in Port-au-Prince, as well as the many American citizens who live and work in Haiti. Americans trying to locate family members in Haiti are encouraged to contact the State Department at (888) 407-4747. I’m going to repeat that — (888) 407-4747.Second, we’ve mobilized resources to help rescue efforts. Military overflights have assessed the damage, and by early afternoon our civilian disaster assistance team are beginning to arrive. Search-and-rescue teams from Florida, Virginia and California will arrive throughout today and tomorrow, and more rescue and medical equipment and emergency personnel are being prepared.Because in disasters such as this the first hours and days are absolutely critical to saving lives and avoiding even greater tragedy, I have directed my teams to be as forward-leaning as possible in getting the help on the ground and coordinating with our international partners as well.Third, given the many different resources that are needed, we are taking steps to ensure that our government acts in a unified way. My national security team has led an interagency effort overnight. And to ensure that we coordinate our effort, going forward, I’ve designated the administrator of the U.S. Agency for International Development, Dr. Rajiv Shah, to be our government’s unified disaster coordinator.Now, this rescue and recovery effort will be complex and challenging. As we move resources into Haiti, we will be working closely with partners on the ground, including the many N.G.O.’s from Haiti and across Haiti, the ed Nations Stabilization Mission, which appears to have suffered its own losses, and our partners in the region and around the world. This must truly be an international effort.Finally, let me just say that this is a time when we are reminded of the common humanity that we all share. With just a few hundred miles of ocean between us and a long history that binds us together, Haitians are neighbors of the Americas and here at home. So we have to be there for them in their hour of need.Despite the fact that we are experiencing tough times here at home, I would encourage those Americans who want to support the urgent humanitarian efforts to go to whitehouse.gov where you can learn how to contribute. We must be prepared for difficult hours and days ahead as we learn about the scope of the tragedy. We will keep the victims and their families in our prayers. We will be resolute in our response, and I pledge to the people of Haiti that you will have a friend and partner in the ed States of America today and going forward.May God bless the people of Haiti and those working on their behalf.Thank you very much.201001/94671

  • 妙手健康嘉善县妇幼保健所激光祛痣多少钱
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