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本演讲暂无音频President Bush Discusses Volunteerism THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, all. Please be seated. Welcome to the South Ground of the White House. It is a joy to be here with members of the armies of compassion. I'm really glad you're here and I appreciate your inspiration to our fellow citizens. I believe you are a constant reminder of the true source of our nation's strength, which is the good hearts and souls of the American people.We have seen the good hearts of our people over the last week as caring volunteers have helped their fellow citizens through Hurricane Gustav and Tropical Storm Hanna. The Red Cross, which provides a vital role in helping the relief efforts and recovery efforts, has been spending millions of dollars to provide shelter and food for evacuees and to help with the clean-up efforts. Yet charitable contributions have not kept pace with their expenses, and I hope our fellow citizens will support the Red Cross, particularly as Hurricane Ike and other storms develop over the Gulf Coast. You can help by going to the Red Cross's website -- redcross.org -- and make a vital contribution to help our fellow citizens.I appreciate the fact that those here represent the hundreds of thousands of our citizens who answered the call to love a neighbor like we'd like to be loved ourselves. I appreciate the fact that you and others lift up souls, one person at a time. You strengthen the foundation of our democracy, which is the engagement of our people. I want to thank you for what you do. God bless you and welcome. (Applause.)I thank Secretary Dirk Kempthorne, Department of the Interior, and Patricia, who have joined us; Secretary of Commerce, Carlos Gutierrez; Secretary of Transportation, Mary Peters; Congresswoman Carolyn McCarthy, welcome Madame Congresswoman, thanks for coming. I appreciate Stephen Goldsmith, the Chairman of the Corporation for National and Community Service; Jack Hawkins, Director of Volunteers for Prosperity; Ron Tschetter, who is the Director of the Peace Corps -- (applause) -- I knew that was coming. (Laughter.) Jean Case, the Chairman of the President's Council on Service and Civic Participation and members of that council.I appreciate my buddy, Michael W. Smith, who is going to play a couple of songs for us here. (Applause.) And his wife, Debbie. I want to thank student and school administrators and board members from the LEUE that are here today. These are students from schools all across the country. (Applause.) We are glad you are here.With us is the 2007 Spirit of Hope Award Recipient. This is the military's way of honoring people who have given back to their communities. Giovanni Balingit -- Giovanni, welcome; thank you, sir; congratulations to you. (Applause.) I want to thank all those who are here in the ed States military. Thank you for wearing the uniform of the ed States. (Applause.)But most of all, thanks for coming. I really appreciate you taking time out to come by and let me say hello to you.In my first inaugural address, I challenged all Americans to be "citizens, not spectators ... responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character."Eight months later Americans were tested by the worst attack on our nation. In the midst of chaos and sorrow, Americans responded with the -- with characteristic courage and grace. It was a remarkable moment in our country. It really was, when you think about it. Rescue workers wrote their Social Security numbers on their arms and then rushed into buildings. Citizens became members of ambulance teams. And people from all across the country poured into New York City to help.The terrorists who attacked our country on September the 11th didn't understand our country at all. Evil may crush concrete and twist steel, but it can never break the spirit of the American people. (Applause.)In the weeks and months after the attacks, inspiring acts continued to unfold all across the country. I'm sure you heard the stories, just like I did. Men and women of our armed forces accepted dangerous new duties, and a lot of folks stepped forward to volunteer to protect our fellow citizens. But the desire to serve reached far beyond the military. Millions of Americans were -- really wanted to help our country recover.And so to tap into that spirit, I called on every American to spend at least 4,000 hours -- or two years in the course of a lifetime -- to serve our nation through acts of compassion. Some said that's acting -- asking a lot for the country, and they were right -- and they were right. Two years during a lifetime is a lot to give. But the truth of the matter is, citizens who do give realize that they become enriched just like those folks that they're helping.To empower Americans looking to help, we launched what's called the USA Freedom Corps. The goal of the USA Freedom Corps was to connect Americans with opportunities to serve our country, to foster a culture of citizenship and responsibility and service. Over the last six years, USA Freedom Corps has met these goals.One way we helped was to launch a web site called volunteer.gov, which is the largest clearinghouse of volunteer opportunities in America. In other words, we used high-tech innovations to be able to channel people's desire to serve in a constructive way.And so this government website directs people to private charities, or local churches, or Habitat for Humanity drives, or Meals on Wheels -- just opportunities to serve their neighbor. We can't put love in somebody's heart, but we certainly can help somebody channel their love. And that was the purpose of the website.And you can search my hometown. They tell me that if you get on Crawford, Texas, you'll find that the local Humane Society seeks volunteer pet groomers -- which makes Barney really nervous. (Laughter.)This is just one of 4 million volunteer opportunities on the USA Freedom Corps web site. Isn't that interesting? There are 4 million opportunities for somebody who wants to serve to say, here's how I can help. And so I urge our fellow citizens to go to the website and find out if there's not something that'll interest you, something that'll give you a chance to serve something greater than yourself.USA Freedom Corps fosters a culture of service by encouraging the private sector to step forward. We got what we call the pro bono challenge, which encourages corporate professionals to donate their services to charities and nonprofits. That makes a lot of sense, doesn't it, to encourage corporate America to not only serve their shareholders, but serve the communities in which they exist.One really interesting, innovative idea came out of IBM this year. IBM employees will donate millions of dollars of service to charities in the U.S., as well as technology projects in developing nations. They tell me that this work would cost 0 million if IBM's devoted employees were charging, and not providing for free. I want to thank the CEO of IBM, Sam Palmisano, who is with us today. Sam, thank you very much for coming. (Applause.) And I encourage corporate America to figure out ways that they can serve to make America a better place.Another key component of USA Freedom Corps is our effort to keep track of Americans' service to others. I mean, it's one thing to talk about it, it's another thing to measure, to kind of see how we're doing. In 2002, this administration became the first to conduct a regular survey of volunteerism through the U.S. Census Bureau. Because we've begun to measure, we know that nearly 61 million Americans now give their time to help their neighbors. Isn't that interesting? Sixty-one million of our fellow citizens volunteer. (Applause.)200809/47880Edward M. KennedyFaith, Truth and Tolerance in America[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.]Thank you very much Professor Kombay for that generous introduction. And let me say, that I never expected to hear such kind words from Dr. Falwell. So in return, I have an invitation of my own. On January 20th, 1985, I hope Dr. Falwell will say a prayer at the inauguration of the next Democratic President of the ed States. Now, Dr. Falwell, I’m not exactly sure how you feel about that. You might not appreciate the President, but the Democrats certainly would appreciate the prayer.Actually, a number of people in Washington were surprised that I was invited to speak here -- and even more surprised when I accepted the invitation. They seem to think that it’s easier for a camel to pass through the eye of the needle than for a Kennedy to come to the campus of Liberty Baptist College. In honor of our meeting, I have asked Dr. Falwell, as your Chancellor, to permit all the students an extra hour next Saturday night before curfew. And in return, I have promised to watch the Old Time Gospel Hour next Sunday morning.I realize that my visit may be a little controversial. But as many of you have heard, Dr. Falwell recently sent me a membership in the Moral Majority -- and I didn't even apply for it. And I wonder if that means that I'm a member in good standing. [Falwell: Somewhat]Somewhat, he says. This is, of course, a nonpolitical speech which is probably best under the circumstances. Since I am not a candidate for President, it would certainly be inappropriate to ask for your support in this election and probably inaccurate to thank you for it in the last one. I have come here to discuss my beliefs about faith and country, tolerance and truth in America. I know we begin with certain disagreements; I strongly suspect that at the end of the evening some of our disagreements will remain. But I also hope that tonight and in the months and years ahead, we will always respect the right of others to differ, that we will never lose sight of our own fallibility, that we will view ourselves with a sense of perspective and a sense of humor. After all, in the New Testament, even the Disciples had to be taught to look first to the beam in their own eyes, and only then to the mote in their neighbor’s eyes.I am mindful of that counsel. I am an American and a Catholic; I love my country and treasure my faith. But I do not assume that my conception of patriotism or policy is invariably correct, or that my convictions about religion should command any greater respect than any other faith in this pluralistic society. I believe there surely is such a thing as truth, but who among us can claim a monopoly on it?There are those who do, and their own words testify to their intolerance. For example, because the Moral Majority has worked with members of different denominations, one fundamentalist group has denounced Dr. Falwell for hastening the ecumenical church and for "yoking together with Roman Catholics, Mormons, and others." I am relieved that Dr. Falwell does not regard that as a sin, and on this issue, he himself has become the target of narrow prejudice. When people agree on public policy, they ought to be able to work together, even while they worship in diverse ways. For truly we are all yoked together as Americans, and the yoke is the happy one of individual freedom and mutual respect.But in saying that, we cannot and should not turn aside from a deeper and more pressing question -- which is whether and how religion should influence government. A generation ago, a presidential candidate had to prove his independence of undue religious influence in public life, and he had to do so partly at the insistence of evangelical Protestants. John Kennedy said at that time: “I believe in an America where there is no religious bloc voting of any kind.” Only twenty years later, another candidate was appealing to a[n] evangelical meeting as a religious bloc. Ronald Reagan said to 15 thousand evangelicals at the Roundtable in Dallas: “ I know that you can’t endorse me. I want you to know I endorse you and what you are doing.”To many Americans, that pledge was a sign and a symbol of a dangerous breakdown in the separation of church and state. Yet this principle, as vital as it is, is not a simplistic and rigid command. Separation of church and state cannot mean an absolute separation between moral principles and political power. The challenge today is to recall the origin of the principle, to define its purpose, and refine its application to the politics of the present.The founders of our nation had long and bitter experience with the state, as both the agent and the adversary of particular religious views. In colonial Maryland, Catholics paid a double land tax, and in Pennsylvania they had to list their names on a public roll -- an ominous precursor of the first Nazi laws against the Jews. And Jews in turn faced discrimination in all of the thirteen original Colonies. Massachusetts exiled Roger Williams and his congregation for contending that civil government had no right to enforce the Ten Commandments. Virginia harassed Baptist teachers, and also established a religious test for public service, writing into the law that no “popish followers” could hold any office.But during the Revolution, Catholics, Jews, and Non-Conformists all rallied to the cause and fought valiantly for the American commonwealth -- for John Winthrop’s “city upon a hill.” Afterwards, when the Constitution was ratified and then amended, the framers gave freedom for all religion, and from any established religion, the very first place in the Bill of Rights.Indeed the framers themselves professed very different faiths: Washington was an Episcopalian, Jefferson a deist, and Adams a Calvinist. And although he had earlier opposed toleration, John Adams later contributed to the building of Catholic churches, and so did George Washington. Thomas Jefferson said his proudest achievement was not the presidency, or the writing the Declaration of Independence, but drafting the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom. He stated the vision of the first Americans and the First Amendment very clearly: “The God who gave us life gave us liberty at the same time.”The separation of church and state can sometimes be frustrating for women and men of religious faith. They may be tempted to misuse government in order to impose a value which they cannot persuade others to accept. But once we succumb to that temptation, we step onto a slippery slope where everyone’s freedom is at risk. Those who favor censorship should recall that one of the first books ever burned was the first English translation of the Bible. As President Eisenhower warned in 1953, “Don’t join the book burners...the right to say ideas, the right to record them, and the right to have them accessible to others is unquestioned -- or this isn’t America.” And if that right is denied, at some future day the torch can be turned against any other book or any other belief. Let us never forget: Today’s Moral Majority could become tomorrow’s persecuted minority.The danger is as great now as when the founders of the nation first saw it. In 1789, their fear was of factional strife among dozens of denominations. Today there are hundreds -- and perhaps even thousands of faiths -- and millions of Americans who are outside any fold. Pluralism obviously does not and cannot mean that all of them are right; but it does mean that there are areas where government cannot and should not decide what it is wrong to believe, to think, to , and to do. As Professor Larry Tribe, one of the nation’s leading constitutional scholars has written, “Law in a non-theocratic state cannot measure religious truth, nor can the state impose it."The real transgression occurs when religion wants government to tell citizens how to live uniquely personal parts of their lives. The failure of Prohibition proves the futility of such an attempt when a majority or even a substantial minority happens to disagree. Some questions may be inherently individual ones, or people may be sharply divided about whether they are. In such cases, like Prohibition and abortion, the proper role of religion is to appeal to the conscience of the individual, not the coercive power of the state. But there are other questions which are inherently public in nature, which we must decide together as a nation, and where religion and religious values can and should speak to our common conscience. The issue of nuclear war is a compelling example. It is a moral issue; it will be decided by government, not by each individual; and to give any effect to the moral values of their creed, people of faith must speak directly about public policy. The Catholic bishops and the Reverend Billy Graham have every right to stand for the nuclear freeze, and Dr. Falwell has every right to stand against it.There must be standards for the exercise of such leadership, so that the obligations of belief will not be debased into an opportunity for mere political advantage. But to take a stand at all when a question is both properly public and truly moral is to stand in a long and honored tradition. Many of the great evangelists of the 1800s were in the forefront of the abolitionist movement. In our own time, the Reverend William Sloane Coffin challenged the morality of the war in Vietnam. Pope John XXIII renewed the Gospel’s call to social justice. And Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. who was the greatest prophet of this century, awakened our nation and its conscience to the evil of racial segregation. Their words have blessed our world. And who now wishes they had been silent? Who would bid Pope John Paul [II] to quiet his voice against the oppression in Eastern Europe, the violence in Central America, or the crying needs of the landless, the hungry, and those who are tortured in so many of the dark political prisons of our time?President Kennedy, who said that “no religious body should seek to impose its will,” also urged religious leaders to state their views and give their commitment when the public debate involved ethical issues. In drawing the line between imposed will and essential witness, we keep church and state separate, and at the same time we recognize that the City of God should speak to the civic duties of men and women.There are four tests which draw that line and define the difference.First, we must respect the integrity of religion itself.People of conscience should be careful how they deal in the word of their Lord. In our own history, religion has been falsely invoked to sanction prejudice -- even slavery -- to condemn labor unions and public spending for the poor. I believe that the prophecy, ”The poor you have always with you” is an indictment, not a commandment. And I respectfully suggest that God has taken no position on the Department of Education -- and that a balanced budget constitutional amendment is a matter of economic analysis, and not heavenly appeals.Religious values cannot be excluded from every public issue; but not every public issue involves religious values. And how ironic it is when those very values are denied in the name of religion. For example, we are sometimes told that it is wrong to feed the hungry, but that mission is an explicit mandate given to us in the 25th chapter of Matthew.Second, we must respect the independent judgments of conscience.Those who proclaim moral and religious values can offer counsel, but they should not casually treat a position on a public issue as a test of fealty to faith. Just as I disagree with the Catholic bishops on tuition tax credits -- which I oppose -- so other Catholics can and do disagree with the hierarchy, on the basis of honest conviction, on the question of the nuclear freeze.Thus, the controversy about the Moral Majority arises not only from its views, but from its name -- which, in the minds of many, seems to imply that only one set of public policies is moral and only one majority can possibly be right. Similarly, people are and should be perplexed when the religious lobbying group Christian Voice publishes a morality index of congressional voting records, which judges the morality of senators by their attitude toward Zimbabwe and Taiwan. Let me offer another illustration. Dr. Falwell has written -- and I e: “To stand against Israel is to stand against God.” Now there is no one in the Senate who has stood more firmly for Israel than I have. Yet, I do not doubt the faith of those on the other side. Their error is not one of religion, but of policy. And I hope to be able to persuade them that they are wrong in terms of both America’s interest and the justice of Israel’s cause.Respect for conscience is most in jeopardy, and the harmony of our diverse society is most at risk, when we re-establish, directly or indirectly, a religious test for public office. That relic of the colonial era, which is specifically prohibited in the Constitution, has reappeared in recent years. After the last election, the Reverend James Robison warned President Reagan no to surround himself, as president before him had, “with the counsel of the ungodly.” I utterly reject any such standard for any position anywhere in public service. Two centuries ago, the victims were Catholics and Jews. In the 1980s the victims could be atheists; in some other day or decade, they could be the members of the Thomas Road Baptist Church. Indeed, in 1976 I regarded it as unworthy and un-American when some people said or hinted that Jimmy Carter should not be president because he was a born again Christian. We must never judge the fitness of individuals to govern on the bas[is] of where they worship, whether they follow Christ or Moses, whether they are called “born again” or “ungodly.” Where it is right to apply moral values to public life, let all of us avoid the temptation to be self-righteous and absolutely certain of ourselves. And if that temptation ever comes, let us recall Winston Churchill’s humbling description of an intolerant and inflexible colleague: “There but for the grace of God goes God.”Third, in applying religious values, we must respect the integrity of public debate.In that debate, faith is no substitute for facts. Critics may oppose the nuclear freeze for what they regard as moral reasons. They have every right to argue that any negotiation with the Soviets is wrong, or that any accommodation with them sanctions their crimes, or that no agreement can be good enough and therefore all agreements only increase the chance of war. I do not believe that, but it surely does not violate the standard of fair public debate to say it. What does violate that standard, what the opponents of the nuclear freeze have no right to do, is to assume that they are infallible, and so any argument against the freeze will do, whether it is false or true.The nuclear freeze proposal is not unilateral, but bilateral -- with equal restraints on the ed States and the Soviet Union. The nuclear freeze does not require that we trust the Russians, but demands full and effective verification. The nuclear freeze does not concede a Soviet lead in nuclear weapons, but recognizes that human beings in each great power aly have in their fallible hands the overwhelming capacity to remake into a pile of radioactive rubble the earth which God has made. There is no morality in the mushroom cloud. The black rain of nuclear ashes will fall alike on the just and the unjust. And then it will be too late to wish that we had done the real work of this atomic age -- which is to seek a world that is neither red nor dead.I am perfectly prepared to debate the nuclear freeze on policy grounds, or moral ones. But we should not be forced to discuss phantom issues or false charges. They only deflect us form the urgent task of deciding how best to prevent a planet divided from becoming a planet destroyed.And it does not advance the debate to contend that the arms race is more divine punishment than human problem, or that in any event, the final days are near. As Pope John said two decades ago, at the opening of the Second Vatican Council: “We must beware of those who burn with zeal, but are not endowed with much sense... we must disagree with the prophets of doom, who are always forecasting disasters, as though the end of the earth was at hand.” The message which echoes across the years is very clear: The earth is still here; and if we wish to keep it, a prophecy of doom is no alternative to a policy of arms control.Fourth, and finally, we must respect the motives of those who exercise their right to disagree.We sorely test our ability to live together if we ily question each other’s integrity. It may be harder to restrain our feelings when moral principles are at stake, for they go to the deepest wellsprings of our being. But the more our feelings diverge, the more deeply felt they are, the greater is our obligation to grant the sincerity and essential decency of our fellow citizens on the other side.Those who favor E.R.A [Equal Rights Amendment] are not “antifamily” or “blasphemers.” And their purpose is not “an attack on the Bible.” Rather, we believe this is the best way to fix in our national firmament the ideal that not only all men, but all people are created equal. Indeed, my mother, who strongly favors E.R.A., would be surprised to hear that she is anti-family. For my part, I think of the amendment’s opponents as wrong on the issue, but not as lacking in moral characterI could multiply the instances of name-calling, sometimes on both sides. Dr. Falwell is not a “warmonger.” And “liberal clergymen” are not, as the Moral Majority suggested in a recent letter, equivalent to “Soviet sympathizers.” The critics of official prayer in public schools are not “Pharisees”; many of them are both civil libertarians and believers, who think that families should pray more at home with their children, and attend church and synagogue more faithfully. And people are not sexist because they stand against abortion, and they are not murderers because they believe in free choice. Nor does it help anyone’s cause to shout such epithets, or to try and shout a speaker down -- which is what happened last April when Dr. Falwell was hissed and heckled at Harvard. So I am doubly grateful for your courtesy here this evening. That was not Harvard’s finest hour, but I am happy to say that the loudest applause from the Harvard audience came in defense of Dr. Falwell’s right to speak.In short, I hope for an America where neither "fundamentalist" nor "humanist" will be a dirty word, but a fair description of the different ways in which people of good will look at life and into their own souls.I hope for an America where no president, no public official, no individual will ever be deemed a greater or lesser American because of religious doubt -- or religious belief.I hope for an America where the power of faith will always burn brightly, but where no modern Inquisition of any kind will ever light the fires of fear, coercion, or angry division.I hope for an America where we can all contend freely and vigorously, but where we will treasure and guard those standards of civility which alone make this nation safe for both democracy and diversity.Twenty years ago this fall, in New York City, President Kennedy met for the last time with a Protestant assembly. The atmosphere had been transformed since his earlier address during the 1960 campaign to the Houston Ministerial Association. He had spoken there to allay suspicions about his Catholicism, and to answer those who claimed that on the day of his baptism, he was somehow disqualified from becoming President. His speech in Houston and then his election drove that prejudice from the center of our national life. Now, three years later, in November of 1963, he was appearing before the Protestant Council of New York City to reaffirm what he regarded as some fundamental truths. On that occasion, John Kennedy said: “The family of man is not limited to a single race or religion, to a single city, or country...the family of man is nearly 3 billion strong. Most of its members are not white and most of them are not Christian.” And as President Kennedy reflected on that reality, he restated an ideal for which he had lived his life -- that “the members of this family should be at peace with one another.”That ideal shines across all the generations of our history and all the ages of our faith, carrying with it the most ancient dream. For as the Apostle Paul wrote long ago in Romans: “If it be possible, as much as it lieth in you, live peaceable with all men.”I believe it is possible; the choice lies within us; as fellow citizens, let us live peaceable with each other; as fellow human beings, let us strive to live peaceably with men and women everywhere. Let that be our purpose and our prayer, yours and mine -- for ourselves, for our country, and for all the world. 200806/41006

CT]fCWX_*UhZB7IcIz;b@BWpH-#!kFDPN,EAristotle said: ;Men come together in cities in order to live, but they remain together in order to live the good life.; It is harder and harder to live the good life in American cities today. The catalog of ills is long: there is the decay of the centers and the despoiling of the suburbs. There is not enough housing for our people or transportation for our traffic. Open land is vanishing and old landmarks are violated. Worst of all expansion is eroding these precious and time honored values of community with neighbors and communion with nature. The loss of these values breeds loneliness and boredom and indifference.,u,@cvcJt)2Uxqg~%@And our society will never be great until our cities are great. Today the frontierof imagination and innovation is inside those cities and not beyond their borders. New experiments are aly going on. It will be the task of your generation to make the American city a place where future generations will come, not only to live, but to live the good life. And I understand that if I stayed here tonight I would see that Michigan students are really doing their best to live the good life.w[zukVgs+YKY#f_~Pm,6C,#rfFVO!!qC[ZyzhkaZ|_sV+U%GPXCS%I9Y(|;Gv164748

The President Announces a Forum on Jobs and Economic GrowthAs the President was preparing to leave for his trip to Asia this morning, he took a moment to discuss the economy, which will of course have a central role in his discussions with leaders throughout the trip. He made clear that while we have come back from the brink of what many predicted would be a depression, he will not be satisfied until robust job growth returns. Towards that end, he announced that in December he will bring minds and stakeholders together for an intensive jobs forum:mp4视频下载THE PRESIDENT: Good morning, everybody. Before departing for Asia this morning, I’d like to make a brief statement about the economy.Over the past 10 months, we’ve taken a number of bold steps to break the back of this recession. We’ve worked to stabilize the financial system, revive lending to small businesses and families, and prevent responsible homeowners from losing their homes. And through the Recovery Act, we’ve cut taxes for middle class families, extended and increased unemployment insurance, and created and saved more than a million jobs.As a result, the economy is now growing again for the first time in more than a year -- and faster than at any time in the past two years. But even though we’ve slowed the loss of jobs -- and today’s report on the continued decline in unemployment claims is a hopeful sign -- the economic growth that we’ve seen has not yet led to the job growth that we desperately need. As I’ve said from the start of this crisis, hiring often takes time to catch up to economic growth. And given the magnitude of the economic turmoil that we’ve experienced, employers are reluctant to hire.Small businesses and large firms are demanding more of their employees, their increasing their hours, and adding temporary workers -- but these companies have not yet been willing to take the steps necessary to hire again. Meanwhile, millions of Americans -- our friends, our neighbors, our family members -- are desperately searching for jobs. This is one of the great challenges that remains in our economy -- a challenge that my administration is absolutely determined to meet.We all know that there are limits to what government can and should do, even during such difficult times. But we have an obligation to consider every additional, responsible step that we can [take] to encourage and accelerate job creation in this country. And that’s why, in December, we’ll be holding a forum at the White House on jobs and economic growth. We’ll gather CEOs and small business owners, economists and financial experts, as well as representatives from labor unions and nonprofit groups, to talk about how we can work together to create jobs and get this economy moving again.It's important that we don't make any ill-considered decisions -- even with the best intentions -- particularly at a time when our resources are so limited. But it's just as important that we are open to any demonstrably good idea to supplement the steps we’ve aly taken to put America back to work. That’s what this forum is about.In the coming days, I’ll also be meeting with leaders abroad to discuss a strategy for growth that is both balanced and broadly shared. It's a strategy in which Asian and Pacific markets are open to our exports -- and one in which prosperity around the world is no longer as dependent on American consumption and borrowing, but rather more on American innovation and products.It's through these steps with our partners, in addition to the work we're doing here at home, that we will not only revive our economy in the short term, but rebuild it stronger in the long term. That's been the focus of our efforts these past 10 months -- it will continue to be our focus in the months ahead.Thanks very much, everybody.END 9:46 A.M. EST11/89207亲,你们想拥有一口流利的英语口语吗?你们想像世界名人一样拥有敏锐的智慧、滔滔不绝的口才吗?在这里,大家不但可以聆听抑扬顿挫的英文,而且还可以学习到名人的过人之处,相信会受益匪浅的!听,他们来了......165642the dictates of religion direct us to the cultivation of peaceful and friendly relations with all other powers.和高于一切的宗教指令都引导我们来培育同其它政权的和平友好关系。It is to be hoped that no international question can now arise which a government confident in its own strength,我们希望任何当今发生的国际问题,一个自信其力量并决心保护其权利的政府都能够,and resolved to protect its own just rights may not settle by wise negotiation;通过明智的谈判来解决;and it eminently becomes a government like our own,founded on the morality,and intelligence of its citizens and upheld by their affections,它变得更象我们自己的政府,以其公民的美德和智慧为基础,to exhaust every resort of honorable diplomacy before appealing to arms.由他们的爱戴所维护,在借助于武力之前用尽所有体面的外交手段。In the conduct of our foreign relations I shall conform to these views,在我们的外交事务中,我将遵从这些观点,as I believe them essential to the best interests and the true honor of the country.因为我相信它们对国家的最高利益和真正荣誉非常重要。The appointing power vested in the President imposes delicate and honorous duties.赋予总统的任命权力带有微妙而沉重的责任。So far as it is possible to be informed,I shall make honesty,capacity,尽我所能得知的,我将以正直,and fidelity indispensable prerequisites to the bestowal of office,能力和忠诚作为授予官职的前提条件,and the absence of either these qualities shall be deemed sufficient cause for removal.而缺少其中的任何一个都被认为是解职的充分理由。It shall be my study to recommend such constitutional measures to Congress as may be neccessary,and proper我将调研并向国会推荐那些必要而正当的合乎宪法的措施,to secure encouragement and protection to the great interests of agriculture,commerce,and manufactures,来鼓励和保护农业,商业to improve our rivers and harbors,to provide for the speedy extinguishment of the public debt,和制造业的重大利益,改变我们的河流和港湾,尽快清偿公共债务,to enforce a strict accountability on the part of all officers of the Government and the utmost economy in all public expenditures;对所有的政府官员实行严格的责任制并在公共预算中严谨节约;but it is for the wisdom of Congress itself,in which all legislative powers are vested by the Constitution,但被宪法赋以所有立法权的国会要靠自己的智慧来,to regulate these and other matters of domestic policy.调控这些和其它国内政策。I shall look with confidence to the enlightened patriotism of that body to adopt such measures of conciliation as may harmonize conflicting interests,我将有信心信赖这一政体的开明爱国精神来采纳这些协商的措施,旨在协调矛盾的利益,and tend to perpetuate that Union which should be the paramount object of our hopes and affections.和永远保持我们所希望和热爱的联邦。In any action calculated to promote an object so near the heart of everyone who truly loves his country I will zealously unite with the coordinate branches of the Government.我将把任何符合真正爱国人民心愿,旨在改进的行为,和相应的政府部门联合起来。In conclusion I congratulate you,my fellow citizens,我的同胞,最后我向你们祝贺,upon the high state of prosperity to which the goodness of Divine Providence has conducted our common country.慈祥神圣眷顾所赐予我们共同祖国的高度繁荣。Let us invoke a continuance of the same protecting care which has led us from small beginnings to the eminence we this day occupy,让我们祈求这引导我们从微小的开始到达今日的显赫的保护和关心会得以继续。and let us seek to deserve that continuance by prudence and moderation in our councils,并让我们通过我们的谨慎和节制,by well_directed attempts to assuage the bitterness which too often marks unavoidable differences of opinion,正确地试图消除由不同意见难免引起的怨恨,by the promulgation and practice of just and liberal principles,and by an enlarged patriotism,推广和实践公正而自由的原则,来使我们赢得这种保护的继续。which shall acknowledge no limits but those of our own widesp Republic.以及一个在我们自己广阔共和国内没有界限的广泛爱国精神。02/436484

President Bush Participates in Roundtable Meeting on Economy THE PRESIDENT: I am honored to be with you all. Thank you very much for hosting this meeting here, and the good folks from Alexandria and Pineville, Louisiana. I have come to talk about the economic situation in the country. A lot of the people down here and other parts of the country are wondering why a free market-oriented President made the decisions to -- necessary to get the government buying stocks in banks, for example. Why would you do that? The answer is because I was deeply concerned about a financial crisis becoming so profound and so acute that it hurt the people and small business owners here in Alexandria and Pineville, that's why. If I felt that the crisis could be contained in Wall Street, then I'd have taken a different course of action. But the crisis that is gripping this country, and still has a grip on this country, affects the people around this table. And that's why I made the decision I made. Part of that decision is to make sure that the people who end up with hardworking taxpayers' money don't enrich themselves as a result of that kind of money. I was talking to Rodney Alexander -- he's a fine congressman from this part of the world -- he said, one thing people want to make sure of, Mr. President, is that when you invest that they're not able to take that government investment and use it to their own advantage, personally -- in other words, golden parachutes, or something like that. Secondly, I believe -- and I can say this with confidence to the people out here -- that I think we're going to get -- be able to get most of your money back. And the reason I say that is because the government is really making investments, and obviously making investments in a difficult period for our economy. And we're big enough and patient enough to be able to hold these investments. Plus the investments are structured to encourage, for example, big banks, when they get back on their feet and get doing better to buy back the shares or get somebody else to buy back the shares. One of the things that I have heard around the table -- and I'm not surprised -- is that the regional banks and the community banks, which provide such an important part of many communities -- are such an important part of many communities, and provide such stability for the country's financial system, they're worried about being labeled with the same brush as some of the big banks that have had economic difficulties. And I think the people in Alexandria need to know that community banks are strong, and they got good capital ratios, and they're healthy. And that's good. It's going to be very important for the small business sector. I am deeply concerned about the small business sector. Seventy percent of new jobs in America are created by small business owners, and we've got small business owners with us today. One of the problems facing small business owners is that they were very worried that their non-interest-bearing accounts in banks were not insured. And so the FDIC took action to insure those accounts so that small business owners can be comfortable that the money they got in place for inventories are in good shape. And then the question I've asked here is, what are the attitudes like? And I have heard that people's attitudes are beginning to change, from a period of intense concerns -- and I would call it near panic -- to being more relaxed and beginning to see the effects of changes and the liquidity that is being pumped in the system, that we got a long way to go. As I said Friday, this thaw -- took a while to thaw, it's going to take a while to unthaw. But it's -- but the attitude here is a little different than it might have been a week ago. And so I want to thank you all very much for giving me a chance to come visit with you. I'm very fond of this part of the country. It's not that far away from my home state. And so, appreciate your time. Appreciate the good folks in this part of the world. I do want to thank all those who have said prayers for me and Laura during our presidency. It's meant an awful lot. Thank you all. 200810/53542President Bush Participates in Roundtable Meeting on Economy THE PRESIDENT: I am honored to be with you all. Thank you very much for hosting this meeting here, and the good folks from Alexandria and Pineville, Louisiana. I have come to talk about the economic situation in the country. A lot of the people down here and other parts of the country are wondering why a free market-oriented President made the decisions to -- necessary to get the government buying stocks in banks, for example. Why would you do that? The answer is because I was deeply concerned about a financial crisis becoming so profound and so acute that it hurt the people and small business owners here in Alexandria and Pineville, that's why. If I felt that the crisis could be contained in Wall Street, then I'd have taken a different course of action. But the crisis that is gripping this country, and still has a grip on this country, affects the people around this table. And that's why I made the decision I made. Part of that decision is to make sure that the people who end up with hardworking taxpayers' money don't enrich themselves as a result of that kind of money. I was talking to Rodney Alexander -- he's a fine congressman from this part of the world -- he said, one thing people want to make sure of, Mr. President, is that when you invest that they're not able to take that government investment and use it to their own advantage, personally -- in other words, golden parachutes, or something like that. Secondly, I believe -- and I can say this with confidence to the people out here -- that I think we're going to get -- be able to get most of your money back. And the reason I say that is because the government is really making investments, and obviously making investments in a difficult period for our economy. And we're big enough and patient enough to be able to hold these investments. Plus the investments are structured to encourage, for example, big banks, when they get back on their feet and get doing better to buy back the shares or get somebody else to buy back the shares. One of the things that I have heard around the table -- and I'm not surprised -- is that the regional banks and the community banks, which provide such an important part of many communities -- are such an important part of many communities, and provide such stability for the country's financial system, they're worried about being labeled with the same brush as some of the big banks that have had economic difficulties. And I think the people in Alexandria need to know that community banks are strong, and they got good capital ratios, and they're healthy. And that's good. It's going to be very important for the small business sector. I am deeply concerned about the small business sector. Seventy percent of new jobs in America are created by small business owners, and we've got small business owners with us today. One of the problems facing small business owners is that they were very worried that their non-interest-bearing accounts in banks were not insured. And so the FDIC took action to insure those accounts so that small business owners can be comfortable that the money they got in place for inventories are in good shape. And then the question I've asked here is, what are the attitudes like? And I have heard that people's attitudes are beginning to change, from a period of intense concerns -- and I would call it near panic -- to being more relaxed and beginning to see the effects of changes and the liquidity that is being pumped in the system, that we got a long way to go. As I said Friday, this thaw -- took a while to thaw, it's going to take a while to unthaw. But it's -- but the attitude here is a little different than it might have been a week ago. And so I want to thank you all very much for giving me a chance to come visit with you. I'm very fond of this part of the country. It's not that far away from my home state. And so, appreciate your time. Appreciate the good folks in this part of the world. I do want to thank all those who have said prayers for me and Laura during our presidency. It's meant an awful lot. Thank you all. 200810/53542

Good afternoon ,ladies and gentlemen:女士们,先生们,下午好:Bidding for the Olympic is ,in a way ,an image-creating undertaking .The first and foremost thing is to let people fall in love with the city at first sight, attracting them by its unique image.申办奥运会在某种程度上是一个创造形象的重任.首先和最重要的事情就是让人们对这个城市一见钟情,用自己独特的形象吸引他们.What image does Beijing intend to create for itself once it has the opportunity to host the 2008 Olympics?一旦北京成为二零零八年奥运会的主办国,她会为自己塑造一个什么样的形象呢?It is known to all that the Beijing Municipal Government has aly set the theme for the future games:New Beijing ,Great Olympics .众所周知,北京市政府已经为这届未来的运动会设立了主题.For me ,the 2008 Olympics will be a great green Olympics illuminated with two more special colors ,yellow and red.对我来说,二零零八年奥运会将会是一届伟大的绿色奥林匹克运动会,与之相交辉映更有另外两种特别的颜色:黄色和红色.First ,yellow is a meaningful color.The yellow River is Chinas Mother River and the cradle of Chinese civilization .首先,黄色是一种意味深长的颜色,黄河是中国的母亲河,是中国文化的发源地.We are of the yellow race and descendants of the Yellow Emperor.This color has a special origin and great significance for the Chinese people.我们是黄种人,是炎黄子孙.这种颜色对中国人民来说有着特殊的根源和重要性.Beijing is teh captial of New China and previously the capital for nine dynasties in Chinese history.北京是新中国的首都,也是先前中国历史上九个王朝的建都之地.So ,yellow naturally add splendor to the 2008 Games.所以,黄色自然会为二零零八年的奥林匹克运动会增添光.Secondly, the 2008 Olympics will be a red pageant.其次,二零零八年的奥林匹克运动会将是一次红色的盛会.Red is another traditionally cherished color for the whole country.We adore red.红色是中国人民珍爱的另一种颜色.我们喜欢红色.On big occasions,we like to decorate our homes in red.在一些大节日里,我们喜爱用红色来装饰我们的家.It is the the color of double happiness, representing joyous moments, auspiciousness, enthusiasm and prosperity .红色是双喜临门的颜色,象征着快乐的时刻,吉祥,热情和繁荣.Red is one of the most suitable colors to descibe the futhre of Beijing .Beijing,together with the whole country,is becoming more and more prosperous in the process of modernizstion .Should the 2008 Olympics be held in Beijing, the whole city will be a sea of red:the red torch ,red flags, red flowers, and the radiant faces of millions of joyful people .红色是一种用来描述未来北京的最适合的颜色之一.北京和祖国一起在四个现代化的进程中变得越来越繁荣富强.如果二零零八年的奥林匹克运动会在北京举行,那整个城市将会成为一个红色的海洋,红火炬,红旗,红花,还有亿万欢乐人民洋溢着红光的脸.Above all ,the 2008 Olmpics will be a green Olympics.最重要的是,二零零八年的奥林匹克运动会将是一届绿色的运动会.Adding a green ingredient is essential in creating an appealing image, as we cant deny the fact the Beijing ,at the moment ,is not as green a city as what we like it to be.在塑造一个吸引人的形象的同时加入绿色的成分是十分必要的,因为我们不能否认北京目前并不是一个让我们满意的绿色城市的事实.Striving for an environmentally appealing city has become a central task for all the citizens of Beijing.努力成为一个环境喜人的城市已经成为北京市民的中心任务.Big efforts have been made in pollution control.replanting and beautification of the city.这个城市在污染控制,植树种花和美化方面都做了几番努力.According to a project entitled The Green Olympic Action Plan , between 1998 and 2007 ,Beijing ,we have invested 100 billion RMB in preserving and protecting the environment.根据一个题为;绿色奥林匹克运动会行动计划;的方案,在一九九八和二零零七年之间,北京会在保存和保护环境方面投入一千亿元人民币.Some 12.5 million trees and over 1 million acres of grass will be planted along the Fourth Ring Road.沿着四环路将会种上一千二百五十一百万亩草.By then ,the citys green area will make up 40% of its total.The city will also dredge its reservoirs and as a water supply to Beijing residents, controlling industrial pollution and moving out the 200 factories presently located within the city proper.到那时候,这个城市的绿化面积将占面积的40%.这个城市还将建立给北京居民供水的水库,控制工业污染和把两目前在规划区域范围内的工厂搬走.Certainly ,all of this is no easy task.But I am sure that all of us have confidence that we will realize these ;green; goals.当然,这可不是一个简单的任务.但我坚信我们有信心实现这些绿色目标,For now we have the full support and participation of the environmentally conscious citizens .因为我们有具备环保意识的市民的全力持和参与.Each citizen is showing great concern for every one of the steps the city government takes.每个市民都热切关注市政府采取的每一个措施.As the saying goes, ;ed ,we stand ,;and a green Beijing will be achieved.俗话说得好,;团结力量大;,绿色的北京一定能实现.When our aspiraton becomes a reality ,it will be a unique Olympics .;New Beijing ,Great Olympics;will be weaved of these three superb colors:yellow , red and green.当我们的期望变成现实,那将是一届独特的奥林匹克运动会.;新北京,新奥运;将会由这三种华丽的颜色:黄色,红色和绿色编织而成.Let us welcome it and look forward to it !Thank you !让我们期望和欢迎它的到来!谢谢!Rick:Thank you contestant number twenty-four.Well lets find out which qualities you look for in boyfriend .里克:谢谢二十四号参赛选手.让我们探讨你找男朋友所需要的品质.QiYue:Uh, well all the audiences laughed because I think ,this,this is a really unexpected question .戚悦:所有的听众都笑了,因为我想这的确是一种意想不到的问题,Not only to me and also to them .So ,uh ,well ,what qualities do I look for in a boyfriend.不仅对我也对他们来说.那么,我找男朋友需要他有什么样的品质?I think different people may come up with different answers because we have got different outlook towards life and the world,and um ,according to some of my male friends they, ever complain to me that they were not so satisfied with their girlfriends.我认为不同的人会有不同的,因为每个人的生活观和世界观都不相同.据我的一些男性朋友向我抱怨,他们对自己的女朋友都不是那么满意.Im sorry to say so but according to them their girl friends were just ,just seem to overdemanding.我很抱歉这样说,但据他们所说,他们的女朋友都似乎要求太多.Um ,because they were just trying to find someone who is able to cook delicious food, or who is , who can do all the housework,including washings and also cleaning of the house.因为她们企图要找一个会煮好菜,或者是一个能做所有家务活,包括洗衣,搞卫生等等的人.And also especially good when they can do massages to them because the girls might get tired after a whole days work.而且最好他们会为她们做一些,因为干一天活下来,女孩子们会累.Well Im sorry to say , we I feel sorry to these girls um ,because to me I think they are just trying to find first a good cook ,then a good servant ,and third ,someone who is good at doing massaging.我很抱歉地说,我对这些女孩子感到遗憾,因为我认为她们要找的首先是一个好厨师,然后是一个好仆人,再就是一个擅长的人.Well this sounds really perfect but I have to say that Im not this kind of girls.这听起来真的很完美,但我必须说我不是这种女孩子.Uh, and what I look for ,and well actually I think this is a personal question but I do not really mind sharing my own requirements of boy friends together with you and what my requirements could be, mainly two things.我要找的是,实际上我认为这是一个私人的问题.但我不介意和大家一起分享我个人对男朋友的要求,我的要求主要有两个方面.And first one that I hope my boyfriend could be well educated ,lets say smart.And second I hope that he can be my bosom friend..第一,我希望的男朋友受过良好的教育,就是说他是聪明人.第二,我希望他能成为我的知己朋友,He can be my soulmate. I dont think I need to explain more about the first point because I think everyone trying to find someone who is smart ,who is well deucation ,because they can always bring passion to your life.他能成为我灵魂上的朋友.我认为我没有必要再去解释第一点,因为我想每个人都想找一个聪明的人,受过良好教育的人,这些人总会给你的生活带来.They can always to come up with different ideas and can make you happy,and bring excitement to your life.他们总能找到不同的点子给你带来欢乐,给你的生活带来刺激.And for me I m just the same .And talking about the second point .I hope that I can find someone who can be also my soulmate.对我来说,我也会一样.谈及第二点,我希望我能找到一个可以成为灵魂上的伴侣的人.That I hope that we two can understand each other.I think this is very important in the relationship of these two people .我希望我们俩能互相了解,我认为这一点两个人的关系上是非常重要的.I mean that uh ,I have come across, not not my myself but my friends has come across this kind of situations.我的意思是,我碰到过,不,不是我而是我的朋友碰到这种情况,That um, these two people they have got differents towards one issue and maybe one of them will say no I can t ,I cant agree with you and I cant stay with you any longer.so lets break up .他们俩对某个问题的看法不同,可能其中一个说不,我不同意你的看法或我再也不能和你相处下去,我们分手吧.And then they broke up .And I think why they did this is that they couldnt understand each other so well.然后他们就分手了.我想他们分手的原因是他们相互之间不是很了解.And for me I just want to find someone who can understand me well and also I hope I can understand him well as well yes.我只想找一个很了解我的人,同时我希望自己对他也很了解.So these are the two main points that I ,uh ,these are the two main requirements that I look for .Thank you .这就是我要说的两点,也是我要寻找男朋友的两个主要要求.谢谢.Judge:Contestan number 24 thank you very much indeed for both you speeches.评委:真的十分感谢二十四号选手的两个演讲.I loved you image of three colors,uh for the Beijing Olympics and you ,you you explained to us very clearly that Beijing has aly gained a great deal as a city merely from bidding ,because of all the changes that are taking place and the improvements.我喜欢你关于三种颜色的想象,关于北京奥林匹克运动会,你很清晰地向我们解释了北京作为一个城市在申奥方面获益匪浅,那是因为发生了很多变化和有了很多的改善.And I just want you to imagine for a moment that you have been called in as an ,as an advisor to the city goverment .我想让你想象一下,如果你作为市政府的顾问召集而来,And if you were asked by them for any further suggestions as to what else uh could be done to make it even better,I wonder what you would say?同时你被他们问到是否有其它的更好的建议去使北京变得更好.我想知道你会怎么说.QiYue:Uh,thank you for your question first.I think if I ,I can be an advisor for the government which is a great honor to me ,I , I hope that I will just emphasize mainly on the environment .戚悦:首先谢谢你的问题.我认为如果我能够成为市政府的顾问,那将是我的一大荣幸.我希望我会把重点放在环境方面.Uh, as I mentioned in my presentation that I do not think that Beijing is as green a city as what we like it to be , I mean that we are trying to build a green Beijing and um ,I, I think that uh, maybe maybe!正如我在演讲中提到的,我认为北京还不是我们想她成为的那样绿色城市,我的意思是我们正努力去建设一个绿色的北京,我想,可能the things I want to do is very simple, I want more tress to be planted and also I want to see more green areas of the city and uh, these are the two things I mainly ask for .Thank you .我想做的事情很简单.我希望种植更多的树木,我还想看到这个城市有更多的绿化面积, 这就是我请求的两件事.谢谢!Judge:Thank you very much.Thank you contestant number 24.Um,Id like to focus back on your boyfriend.评委:谢谢,谢谢二十四号参赛选手.我想把话题说回你的男朋友这一方面.Ha ,ha and um Im assuming that um you will eventually find um, um someone with those qualities and that you will um be very happy.哈,我想你最终能找到一个有那些条件的人,而且你会很幸福.Um,my question has to do with when you decide to get married.Now that youre found the perfect boyfriend um ,what are some of the advantages that you see uh, with regard to waiting a little bit later?我的问题与你决定结婚有关.现在你已经找到了那位完美的男朋友,他要你再迟一点才结婚,你知道这样对你有什么好处吗?Say around 30 or so uh, to get married.Thats a fairly late age to marry someone.比方说30岁左右才结婚,对女人来说这个年龄才嫁人就相当迟了.What would you see as advantages for you to wait?Females to wait?要你这样等,你会看到什么有利条件吗?要女人等?QiYue:Uh, okay,thats a very good question and also very unexpected .Um ,well as unexpected as the question I get um ,the advantages the female if they want ,if they have to wait um ,well actually I think that um, I think it ,Its a good thing.戚悦:好的,这是个很好的问题,同样也很出人意料.我得到的这个问题真是意料之外,如果女人需要有利条件,如果她们必须要等,我想那是一件好事情.I mean that for myself I do not really want to get married at the early age.我的意思是对我来说,我不想太早结婚.I , I think that maybe I will get married at the age of 28 or 30um ,and also at the pressure of my pre...my parents I guess.我想我会在父母的压力下,在28岁或30岁左右结婚.I think this is a good thing because I want to develop myself fully .我认为这是一件好事情是因为我需要发展我自己.Um,after I graduated from the university I ll be about 22, lets say and if I get married too early ,and I do not really have uh ,too much space,too much space for me to develop myself.我大学毕业后大概是22岁,假如我结婚太早,我就不可能拥有自己太多的空间,没有发展自我的空间.I want to work several years and then I want to have some self achievements.我想先工作,取得一些成就.I want to achieve in my ,in my uh in my job lets say.And I want to see those uh , those achievements so I think this is a good thing and I dont really mind waiting .Thank you .我想在自己的事业上有成就.我想看到我自己的那些成就.所以我想这是一件好事情,我也不是很在意等待.谢谢!Judge:Thank you .Um ,you in four first presentation ,you said a lot about what the government ,the munici...the government has done ,uh,in order to prepare for the two-o-o eight Olympic games.评委:谢谢.在你的第一个演讲中,你说了一大堆关于政府方面的东西,政府为准备二零零八年奥林匹克运动会已经做了的事情.Uh, what can ordinary people, particulary college students do to prepare for the two-o-o eight games.那么,普通人,特别是大学生能够为申办二零零八年奥运会做些什么呢?QiYue:Uh, First ,thank you for your question .Actually ,I have been thinking about this for a long time .戚悦:首先谢谢你的问题.实际上,这个问题我已经考虑了很长的一段时间,What can I do as an individual to help bid for the Olympic games?Um ,I think first is that ,um ,uh, I think that by participating in this kind of speech competition ,its a kind of help to bid for the 2008 Olympic games.我个人能为申奥做些什么?我想首先是,参加这届演讲比赛,那也是帮助申办二零零八年奥运会的一种方式.And I just want to express my wish ,and um ,I hope ,I hope that we can successfully bid for the games,and this is one thing I can do for bidding for the games, and this is one thing I can do for bidding for the games.我只是想表达我个人的愿望,我希望我们能成功地申办二零零八年的奥运会,而演讲是我能为申奥所做的一件事情.I want to do tell my ideas to the audience here and want to , I want myself be know .我想把我的想法告诉听众,I, I mean thats my ideas to be know.And secondly ,yes this is something I actually did for bidding for the Olympic games is that I planted some trees.我的意思是我想让人们知道我的想法.其次,我为申奥做的实际事情是我种了几棵树.Uh,well ,on the, on the tree planting day and my ,my family and I we went to the suburbs of Beijing and we planted serval trees there and I hope these young trees are still alive now .在植树节那天,我和我的家人到北京的郊区去,我们在那里种了一些树,我希望那些小树苗现在还活着.Thank you .谢谢.09/84689)Giv)IF9].5+BlYW_P]oJ!^C;sDa.EAz.3uEach year more than 100,000 high school graduates, with proved ability, do not enter college because they cannot afford it. And if we cannot educate todays youth, what will we do in 1970 when elementary school enrollment will be 5 million greater than 1960? And high school enrollment will rise by 5 million. And college enrollment will increase by more than 3 million.ltuj*9BNm7In many places, classrooms are overcrowded and curricula are outdated. Most of our qualified teachers are underpaid and many of our paid teachers are unqualified. So we must give every child a place to sit and a teacher to learn from. Poverty must not be a bar to learning, and learning must offer an escape from poverty.[tTUYrgEQYK;|;g4mO-f@z_4hcUk(t~Y4vp*k-]pCvdI0r12I~165310in as much as they tend to lessen its usefulness and to sap its safety.因为它们旨在于消弱其功用和危害其安全。They might,indeed,have been corected by the wholesome punishments reserved to and provided by the laws of the several States against falsehood and defamation,它们真应该由某些州立法律所保留和提供的审慎惩罚来纠正;but public duties more urgent press on the time of public servants,但更为紧要的公务占据了公务员的时间,and the offenders have therefore been left to find their punishment in the public indignation.而只让那些违反者在公众的愤怒中得到惩罚。No inference is here intended that the laws provided by the States against false and defamatory publications should not be enforced;这里并不意味着关于针对虚假和诽谤的出版物的州立法律无须被强制执行的推论;he who has time renders a service to public morals and public tranquillity in reforming these abuses by the salutary coercions of the law;某人如有时间,便为了公众的道德和宁静而通过有益的法律强制来改正这些滥用;but the experiment is noted to prove that,since truth and reason have maintained their ground against false opinions in league with false facts,但引用这一实验来明,是因为事实和理性针对虚假的观点伙同虚假的事务毫不退让。the press,confined to truth,needs no other legal restraint;限于真正的媒体无须其它法律的限制;the public judgment will correct false reasoning and opinions on a full hearing of all parties;在完全听取各方之后,公众的判断会纠正错误的推论和观点;and no other definite line can be drawn between the inestimable liberty of the press and its demoralizing licentiousness.而且在无价的媒体自由与其不道德的诽谤之间划出一条确定的界限不大可能。If there be still improprieties which this rule would not restrain,its supplement must be sought in the censorship of public opinion如果仍然有此规则无法限制的不恰之处,则须在公众舆论检查中寻找它的补充。I shall now enter on the duties to which my fellow citizens have again called me,现在我将要履行我的同胞再次召唤我的职责,and shall proceed in the spirit of those principles which they have approved.并将要以他们所认可的那些原则的精神来履行。I fear not that any motives of interest may lead me astray;我无惧于任何可能使我迷途的利益目的;I am sensible of no passion which could seduce me knowingly from the path of justice,我没有感到任何能引诱我明知是离开公正之途的欲望,but the weaknesses of human nature and the limits of my own understanding will produce errors of judgment sometimes injurious to your interests.但是,人性的弱点和我自身感知的局限将会造成对你们利益有损的错误判断。I shall need,therefore,all the indulgence which I have heretofore experienced from my constituents;因此,我需要至今以来从我的选民中得到的所有谅解;the want of it will certainly not lessen with increasing years.而且对此的需要肯定不会随着年代的累积而减少。I shall need,too,the favor of that Being in whose hands we are,who led our fathers,as Israel of old,我也需要上帝的恩惠,我们在他的手中,他带领我们的先父,就如同旧时的以色列,from their native land and planted them in a country flowing with all the necessaires and comforts of life;离开他们的祖国,而植根于一个充满所有物质和舒适生活的国家;who has covered our infancy with his providence and our riper years with His wisdom and power,他以他的眷顾包含我们的童年,以他的智慧和力量包含我们的成熟年代,and to whose goodness I ask you to join in supplication with me that he will so enlighten the minds of your servants,我请求你们和我一起恳求他的恩惠,恳求他将开导你们公仆的心智,guide their councils,and prosper their measures that whatsoever they do shall result in your good.指引他们的意见,并促使他们行动的成功,这样他们所做的任何事情都将为你们带来益处,and shall secure to you the peace,friendship,and approbation of all nations.为你们保和平,友谊,和所有国家的赞许。01/436004

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