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湖州手术去除生长纹湖州微整形医院Global public confidence in institutions has evaporated in the last year, taking trust levels back to lows not seen since the financial crisis in 2009, according to research to be presented at the World Economic Forum in Davos this week.根据一份将于本周在达沃斯(Davos)世界经济论坛(World Economic Forum)上展示的研究报告,去年全球公众对各机构的信心不再,导致人们的信任水平跌至2009年金融危机爆发以来从未出现过的低点。“Unimaginable events” from the Ebola crisis to the disappearance of a Malaysian airliner, Russia’s intervention in Ukraine, the forex rate-rigging scandal and the high-profile hacks of Sony Pictures and celebrity photos on Apple’s iCloud have created a “sense that things are out of control,” said Richard Edelman, chief executive of the world’s largest public relations consultancy by revenues, which publishes the annual Edelman Trust Barometer.全球营收最高的公共关系咨询机构爱德曼(Edelman)每年都会发布爱德曼信任度调查报告(Edelman Trust Barometer)。该公司首席执行官理查德#8226;爱德曼(Richard Edelman)表示,从埃拉病毒危机,到马航客机的失联、俄罗斯对乌克兰的干预、外汇利率操纵丑闻、备受关注的索尼影视(Sony Pictures)遭遇黑客攻击事件、以及苹果公司(Apple)iCloud艳照门事件,种种“难以想象的事件”让人产生了一种“诸多事情处于失控状态的感觉”。The rapid pace of innovation across industries has also left many people feeling unsettled, depressing confidence in both business’s and government’s ability to manage change.各产业快速的创新节奏也让许多人产生不安定感,并抑制了他们对企业和政府应对变化能力的信心。“All this has had a negative effect on trust in institutions. We’ve given back all the gains of the last five years,” he said.他说:“所有这些都对人们对机构的信任产生了负面影响。过去五年里增加的所有信任度都被一扫而空。”For the first time, nearly two-thirds of the 27 nations surveyed fell on the “distrustful” end of Edelman’s index, gauging respondents’ trust in government, business, media and non-governmental organisations.在被调查的27个国家里,首次有近三分之二的国家落在了爱德曼指数的“不信任”区间。所谓爱德曼指数,是用来衡量回应者对政府、企业、媒体和非政府组织(NGO)信任程度的指标。Among the informed public segment of the 33,000-person survey — a group of 700 wealthy, well-educated, well-informed individuals — 57 per cent said they trusted business, down from 59 per cent last year.这一调查有3.3万人参加。其中,在由700名富有、受过良好教育、文化水平很高的个人组成的一个高知公众群体中,57%的人表示他们信任企业,低于去年的59%。In half of the countries surveyed, trust in business dipped below 50 per cent, the worst ing since 2008. Canada, Germany, Australia and Argentina saw the biggest declines, with the percentage of those trusting in business dropping more than 10 points. In the US, however, trust rose from 58 to 60 per cent.在半数被调查国家中,对企业的信任比例跌至50%以下,这是2008年以来的最低读数。其中,加拿大、德国、澳大利亚和阿根廷的跌幅最大,信任企业的人比例减少了逾10个百分点。不过在美国,人们对企业的信任比例却从58%升至60%。Trust in government rose overall from 45 per cent to 48 per cent but after stripping out large jumps in India and Indonesia, which held national elections in 2014, government trust dipped to 44 per cent. The sharpest falls came in South Korea, where trust dropped from 45 per cent to 33 per cent, and Malaysia, down to 45 per cent from 54 per cent. In Russia, in contrast, trust doubled from 27 per cent to 54 per cent.对政府的总体信任比例则从45%升至48%。不过,在刨除了印度和印尼的大幅度增长之后,对政府的信任则降至44%。此前,印度和印尼两国都在2014年举行了大选。对政府的信任比例中,跌幅最大的是韩国和马来西亚。韩国该比例从45%跌至33%,马来西亚则从54%跌至45%。相比之下,俄罗斯的情况正相反,该国信任政府的比例翻了一番,从27%升至54%。Trust in media dipped from 53 per cent to 51 per cent, with the lowest levels recorded in Turkey, Japan, Ireland, Sweden and the UK.对媒体的信任比例从53%跌至51%。其中,比例最低的是土耳其、日本、冰岛、瑞典和英国。Even NGOs, which had weathered the turbulence of the financial crisis and recovery, saw their first drop, to 63 per cent from 66 per cent last year. Trust fell most in the UK, down to 51 per cent from 67 per cent; Hong Kong, to 63 per cent from 77 per cent, and China, to 72 per cent from 84 per cent.尽管平安度过了金融危机及其后复苏阶段的种种纷扰,非政府组织也首次遭遇了信任度下跌。对非政府组织的信任比例从去年的66%跌至63%。其中,对它们的信任比例下跌最快的是英国、香港和中国内地。英国信任非政府组织的比例从67%下跌至51%,香港则从77%下跌至63%,而中国内地则从84%下跌至72%。Mr Edelman pointed to unhappiness with NGOs’ ability to pushing change in China and in tackling energy issues, such as hydraulic fracturing, or “fracking”, in the UK.爱德曼指出,人们对非政府组织在中国内地不能推动变革、在英国不能解决“水力压裂法”等能源问题十分不满。The rise of new technologies, including fracking, has emerged as a fresh factor weighing on public confidence.包括水力压裂等新技术的崛起,已成为为公众信心带来压力的新因素。“Innovation should be a trust accelerator, but it is actually a trust anchor,” Mr Edelman said. “It is seen as unregulated, good for companies and individuals but not for society.”爱德曼表示:“创新原本应该促进人们的信任,实际上却阻碍了人们的信任。人们认为,创新不受监管,尽管它对企业和个人很有好处,却无益于社会。”Fifty-one per cent of those surveyed said the pace of development and change in business was too fast, versus 28 per cent who found it too slow and 19 per cent judging it just right.51%的被调查者表示商业的发展和变革节奏太快,认为它太慢的只有28%,而认为它正合适的则只有19%。Genetically modified foods and hydraulic fracturing were least trusted, at 32 per cent and 47 per cent, while confidence was higher in electronic and mobile payments (69 per cent) and personal health tracking (59 per cent.)转基因食品和水力压裂法是最不受信任的技术,信任这两样技术的比例分别为32%和47%。相比之下,人们对电子设备和移动付的信任程度更高,信任比例为69%。还有就是个人健康跟踪技术也较受信任,信任比例为59%。Respondents favoured tighter regulation of innovations, but only half said they trusted policy makers to do that effectively.回应者更倾向于加强对技术创新的监管。不过,只有半数的人表示,他们相信政策制定者能有效监管技术创新。Trust in innovation correlated with overall trust in institutions, with countries such as the UAE, India and Indonesia expressing higher confidence in both, and Germany, Japan and Sweden being more distrustful.对技术创新的信任程度与对机构的总体信任程度有相关性。在阿联酋(UAE)、印度和印尼等国家,人们对两者的信心相对较高。而在德国、日本和瑞典,人们对两者的信任程度较低。 /201501/355723安吉县去除黄褐斑多少钱 湖州曙光整形医院整形

湖州中心医院冰点脱毛多少钱湖州哪个医院看疤痕好 When workers at a major footwear factory in south China walked off the job earlier this month, demanding better social insurance benefits, they threatened to upend a cozy system. 中国南部一家大型制鞋厂的工人本月早些时候举行罢工,要求更好的社保待遇,此举可能会引发中国一项社保制度的变革。It is a dispute that will hit the pocket book of a key supplier to some of the world#39;s footwear giants and to the workers themselves. It#39;s also a stark reminder that China#39;s labor force is aging. 这场纠纷不仅会冲击全球一些制鞋巨头的重要供应商,也会伤及工人自身的利益,同时也敲响了中国劳动人口年龄正在变大的警钟。Workers at the Yue Yuen Industrial (Holdings) struck at least some of the facilities in Dongguan in Guangdong province, demanding years of owed social benefits be paid to them and disrupting production at a plant that supplies Nike Inc and Adidas among others. 裕元工业(集团)有限公司(Yue Yuen Industrial (Holdings) Ltd., 简称:裕元集团)在广东东莞工厂的部分工人举行了罢工,他们要求公司偿付拖欠多年的社保。罢工行动中断了一家工厂的生产,该厂是耐克公司(Nike Inc)和阿迪达斯(Adidas)等企业的供应商。The workers said the Hong Kong-listed company has been making social insurance contributions based on basic wages rather than total actual pay as required by law. 罢工的工人们称,裕元集团一直按照基本工资缴纳员工社保,而不是依照法律规定按实际工资缴纳足额社保。裕元集团是一家香港上市公司。The average monthly salary of the more than 40,000 workers at Yue Yuen is about 3,000 yuan (2), but payments to social insurance were based on income of around 1,810 yuan for most workers, workers say. 工人们表示,裕元东莞工厂有4万多名工人,每月的平均工资约为人民币3,000元(约合482美元),但多数人的社保缴纳基数仅为人民币1,810元。The company, which has some 40,000 workers at its plants in Guangdong, has acknowledged the discrepancy and agreed to make up the owed payments. In some cases, that means years of benefits. The problem is that many of these workers may not want to top up their mandated co-contributions because they are migrants who will return to their home towns at some point. Social insurance comprises pension, medical and other benefits. But the scheme isn#39;t national. So migrants may not be able to take those benefits with them if they retire to their home provinces.裕元集团承认没有为工人缴纳足额社保,同意补缴。在某些情况下,这意味着要补缴多年的社保费用。问题在于,许多工人可能不想补足社保的自付部分,因为他们是外来务工人员,将来某个时候他们将返回家乡。社保包括养老金、医疗保险以及其他一些福利。但社保制目前并不是全国统一的。许多情况下,社保不能随人流转,当外来务工人员离开工作所在地区返回家乡时,他们可能无法将社保金转回家乡。That prospect has unnerved some of the workers at Yue Yuen#39;s production facilities in neighboring Jiangxi province. Inspired by the Guangdong protests, they have started a work slowdown, fearing that larger company payments for social insurance will require them to make bigger co-payments to their accounts for benefits they will never be able to collect, management officials said. 这方面的问题令裕元集团江西工厂的一些工人也开始感到不安。据管理人员称,受到广东工人抗议活动的“啓发”,他们已开始拖慢工作速度,因担心公司补缴社保金会需要他们向帐户中缴纳更多的自付部分,而社保金背后的福利他们可能永远也享受不到。Guangdong was at the forefront of China#39;s economic opening to foreign investors and attracted swarms of migrants to staff production lines that turned the province#39;s Pearl River Delta region into the world#39;s factory floor. Labor groups say the fact that the current disputes are about social insurance, rather than wages, shows that the workforce is aging. 广东曾站在中国经济对外开放的最前沿,吸引大量外来务工人员进入生产线,推动珠三角地区成为“世界工厂”。劳工组织称,当前抗议活动的起因是社保而非工资,说明劳动人口的年龄正在变大。According to an estimate by a not-for-profit labor support organization, Yue Yuen#39;s back payments could total more than 100 million-200 million yuan ( million- million) depending on how many of the workers are owed for long years of service.据一家非营利劳工持组织的推测,裕元集团补缴的社保金总额或高达人民币一亿到两亿元(合1,600万到3,200万美元),具体数额取决于有多少工人多年来的社保金被拖欠。#39;It#39;s a long-time issue commonly seen throughout the entire Pearl River Delta,#39; said Zhang Zhiru, director of Shenzhen Spring Breeze Labor Disputes Service Center. 深圳春风劳动争议务部(Shenzhen Spring Breeze Labor Disputes Service Center)负责人张治儒称,整个珠三角地区普遍长期存在这一问题。 #39;Employers, workers and local governments all have long been aware of the under-paid social insurance for a long time but it#39;s becoming an issue now because the workers are getting old,#39; Mr. Zhang said. 他说,雇主、工人和地方政府早就都意识到,社保长期存在缴纳不足的情况,但现在因为工人变老,这便成为了一个问题。That could mean Yue Yuen is not alone. Analysts and the government may be waiting to see where and when another shoe will drop.这或许意味着裕元集团并非特例。分析人士和政府或许正在观察何时何地将再度发生此类事件。Liyan Qi Liyan Qi /201404/290500湖州曙光整形美容医院玻尿酸隆鼻好吗

湖州市曙光医院做红色胎记手术多少钱Why are real interest rates so low? And will they stay this low for long? If they do – as it seems they might – the implications will be profound: good for debtors, bad for creditors and, above all, worrying for the vigour of global demand.为何眼下实际利率这么低?这一局面还将延续很久吗?如果确实如此(目前看来有这样的趋势),那么影响将十分深远:债务人受益,债权人受损,并且最重要的是,不利于全球需求的活跃。The International Monetary Fund’s latest World Economic Outlook includes a fascinating chapter on global real interest rates. Here are its most significant findings.在国际货币基金组织(IMF)最近公布的《世界经济展望》(World Economic Outlook)报告中,有一章关于全球实际利率的分析令人关注。以下就是那一章的最重大发现。First, globalisation has integrated finance. There used to be wide variation in real interest rates between different countries. That is no longer the case, since interest rates everywhere now respond to common influences.首先,全球化促使金融一体化。以前,不同国家的实际利率存在很大差距。现在已不是这样,因为如今各地的利率都对共同的影响因素做出反应。Second, real interest rates – which are adjusted for inflation – have declined a long way since the 1980s. Ten-year rates are close to zero while short-term rates are negative. But the expected real return on equity (estimated from the dividend yield plus the expected growth of dividends) has not fallen by as much (see charts).其次,自上世纪80年代以来,经通胀调整后的实际利率已下降了很多。10年利率接近于零,短期利率则为负值。但预期实际股本回报率(通过股息率和预期股息增长率估算得出)的下降幅度不如实际利率(见图表)。How is one to understand these developments? The real return on financial assets depends on various factors: how much people want to save and invest; what kind of assets savers prefer to hold; and changes in monetary policy. These are not independent of one another. Above all, central banks charged with hitting an inflation target must respond to shifts in demand by changing their monetary policies.应如何理解这些变化呢?金融资产的实际回报取决于多个不同因素:人们想要储蓄多少、投资多少?储蓄者更愿意持有何种资产?以及货币政策发生了何种变化?这几个因素并非相互孤立。最重要的是,各国央行肩负着达到某一通胀目标的使命,它们必须通过改变货币政策来回应需求变化。The IMF reckons that, in the 1980s and early 1990s, changes in monetary policy were the most powerful influence on real interest rates. In the late 1990s, fiscal tightening became the main force driving down real rates. Another important factor was the falling price of investment goods relative to consumption goods. Falling relative prices of information technology mean this is still true.IMF认为,上世纪80年代到90年代初,货币政策的改变是对实际利率影响最大的因素。上世纪90年代末,财政紧缩成为压低实际利率的主要因素。另一个重要因素,是投资品价格相对消费品价格不断降低。信息技术价格相对下降意味着,眼下情况仍然如此。Since the late 1990s, however, much has changed. In emerging economies the savings rate has gone up, largely because incomes were rising. Investors began to favour assets deemed safe. Most importantly, recent financial crises have caused investment to collapse and private savings to jump in the affected economies.但自从上世纪90年代末以来,情况发生了很大变化。在新兴经济体,储蓄率上升,主要是因为收入在增加。投资者开始青睐所谓安全资产。最重要的是,近来的金融危机导致在受到冲击的经济体中,投资显著减少、私人储蓄大幅增加。The IMF argues that declining inflation risk has not contributed to the fall in long-term rates, since the “term sp” – the gap between short and longer-term rates – has not fallen. More important has been the effect of changes in national savings and investment. At the global level, savings must equal investment. So changes in the observed global savings rate will tell us nothing about whether there has been a growing “savings glut” – by which I mean an excess of desired savings over desired investment. Only a shift in the price – the real rate of interest – reveals that.IMF提出,通胀风险降低没有起到助力长期利率降低的作用,因为“期限利差”——指短期利率与长期利率之间的差值——并未下降。更重要的是国民储蓄与投资变化的影响。在全球范围来看,储蓄必然等于投资。所以,我们观察到的全球储蓄率,根本无法告诉我们“储蓄过剩”是否一直在升高。此处“储蓄过剩”是指超出意愿投资额的那部分意愿储蓄。唯有价格——实际利率——的变化能揭示这一点。Strikingly, the 10-year real rate of interest was 4 per cent in the mid-1990s, 2 per cent in the 2000s, before the crisis, and close to zero thereafter. At least two factors lay behind this precipitous fall. Investment fell a long way in high-income economies but soared in emerging ones, especially China; yet the savings rates of emerging economies rose even more than their investment rates. Consequently, these economies became big net exporters of capital.引人注意的是,上世纪90年代中,10年期实际利率为4%,到本世纪头十年(危机之前)降至2%,再后来降至接近零。10年期实际利率陡然下跌背后至少有两个因素在起作用。高收入经济体投资一路下滑,但新兴经济体——尤其是中国——投资却大举升高;不过,新兴经济体储蓄率增幅甚至比投资率增幅还要高。结果,这些经济体成了资本净出口大国。Emerging countries also largely nationalised this capital outflow. Their governments then tended to buy “safe” assets, especially to put in the foreign exchange reserves. This helps explain the portfolio move towards highly rated bonds.新兴国家也将大部分资本输出国有化了。于是,它们的政府倾向于购买“安全”资产,尤其是作为外汇储备。这有助于解释投资组合为何向高评级债券倾斜。The story, in brief, is that shifts in the balance between desired real savings and investment generated a large fall in real interest rates. These were accompanied by changes in portfolio preferences towards safe assets and the collapse in the pre-2000 equity bubble. The shift in the distribution of income towards capital and highly paid employees in high-income countries also weakened demand. The central banks then responded with aggressive monetary policies. These supported explosions of credit generally linked to house-price surges. Both imploded in the crisis. As Lawrence Summers has argued, the high-income economies seem to be worryingly unable to generate good growth in demand without extreme credit instability.简言之,情况是意愿实际储蓄与意愿实际投资之间的差额发生变化,导致实际利率大幅下降。另外两个因素是,投资组合偏好发生变化、向安全资产倾斜,以及2000年前股票泡沫的破灭。在高收入国家,收入分配向资本方和高薪员工倾斜,也弱化了需求。于是各中央推出了激进的货币政策。这推动了信贷大膨胀,信贷大膨胀通常看来与房价猛涨脱不开干系。信贷和房价在危机中都崩溃了。正如劳伦斯#8226;萨默斯(Lawrence Summers)所指出那样,令人担忧的是,高收入经济体似乎无法在不制造极端信贷动荡的前提下,推动需求强劲增长。This is not a short-term story. The label “secular stagnation” looks apposite. The IMF agrees that real interest rates could remain low for a prolonged time. If governments persist with planned tightening of fiscal policies, this seems certain. If investment rates fell sharply in China, global real rates might need to fall still further. That is difficult while inflation is so low.这种情况并不是短期内的。“长期增长停滞”(secular stagnation)看上去是个贴切的论断。IMF赞同实际利率可能在长期内维持低位的观点。如果各国政府坚持按计划实行紧缩的财政政策,则看来注定会出现这种局面。如果中国投资率大幅下降,那么全球实际利率可能需要进一步下降。在通胀如此低的情况下,这很难办到。What might reverse this? The obvious possibility is a jump in investment in high-income countries driven by the relatively high expected returns on equity. The obstacles here are threefold. One is that chief executives are not rewarded for investing for the long term; another is that investment goods are becoming cheaper all the time; and another is that, when the future is uncertain and the economy sluggish, companies rationally prefer to wait before they invest.靠什么才能扭转这一局面?一个显而易见的可能药方,是相对较高的预期股本收益率驱动高收入国家的投资猛增。这里有三重障碍。一是首席执行官没有动力为长期而投资;另一个是投资品的价格一直在降低;最后一个是,当未来不确定、经济又低迷时,企业出于理性考虑,愿意观望而不愿投资。Another possibility is a big fall in savings in emerging economies. But this seems unlikely, at least without a collapse in oil prices.** That leaves the option of sustained fiscal deficits in high-income countries, ideally to be invested in infrastructure. Housing-related credit booms are a far worse option. Redistribution towards the spenders seems quite inconceivable.第二个可能药方,是新兴经济体储蓄率大幅下降。但这似乎不可能实现,至少油价不暴跌的话就不太可能实现。那就只剩下一个选择,即高收入国家维持财政赤字,最好投资于基础设施。与房地产相联系的信贷繁荣则是一个糟糕得多的选择。通过再分配向花钱者倾斜看上去不可思议。If real interest rates do indeed remain low for a long time, creditors are going to find life difficult. But managing the post-crisis public finances should be far easier than the hysterics assume. A really big question in such a world is whether conventional inflation targets might be too low, because they do not give enough room for real interest rates to fall as far below zero as necessary.如果实际利率确实长期维持在低水平,那么债权人未来会觉得日子不好过。但管理后危机时代的公共财政,应当会比歇斯底里者认为的容易得多。如此世界一个真正的大问题,是常规的通胀目标定得可能太低了,因为没有给实际利率在必要时降至负值留下足够大的空间。The immediate question, however is: how do we generate the demand that is needed to mop up potential global supply? Failure to answer that need in a sensible way was a leading cause of the crisis. Continued failure will blight the recovery or, worse, cause another bout of financial and economic upheaval. Do not imagine these challenges will soon vanish. They look like a semi-permanent condition.不过,当前的紧迫问题是,我们应如何产生撑潜在全球供应所离不开的需求?不能以合理方式满足这一要求是过去引发危机的一个主要因素。这一要求继续得不到满足将阻碍复苏,更严重者,将引发又一轮金融与经济动荡。不要臆想这些挑战不久后就会消失,它们看来就像一种半永久性的病症。 /201405/295035 Maybe money can#39;t buy happiness. But it can buy status, and status can indeed make us a bit happier.金钱或许买不到幸福,但能买到地位,而身份地位的确能让我们更幸福一些。An article in Time describes new research from Chris Boyce, a psychologist at the University of Warwick, and Simon Moore, a psychologist at Cardiff University. The pair sought to understand why societies that became wealthier didn#39;t become collectively happier. After all, rising incomes and wealth made individuals happier, up to a certain point of course.《时代》(Time)杂志的一篇文章描述了华威大学的伊斯和卡迪夫大学的尔这两位心理学家的最新研究。二人试图了解为什么更加富裕的社会却没有实现集体幸福感的增强。毕竟,收入和财富的增加当然会在一定程度上让一个人更幸福。So the researchers decided to dig deeper into what is called the #39;reference-income hypothesis,#39; a fancy way of saying that wealth is relative. If an entire country gets richer at the same time, individuals wouldn#39;t necessarily feel wealthier, since their relative positions in society hadn#39;t changed.因此研究人员决定深入挖掘所谓的“相对收入假定”。这是说明财富相对论的一种假想方式。如果整个国家同时变得更富裕,个人并不一定会感到更富有,因为他们在社会中的相对地位并未发生改变。Most people don#39;t compare themselves with an abstract national average. Messrs. Boyce and Moore decided to try to figure out how people compare themselves with their neighbors, colleagues at work or friends from college. The higher their rank, the greater their sense of happiness and self-worth would likely be.大多数人不会拿自己和抽象的全国平均水平进行比较。伊斯和尔决定设法弄清人们如何拿自己与左邻右舍、工作中的同事或大学时的朋友相比较。他们的排名越高,幸福感和自我价值意识也可能越强。#39;For example, people might care about whether they are the second most highly paid person, or the eighth most highly paid person, in their comparison set,#39; write the authors.作者写道,例如,人们可能会在意在进行比较的所有人中,他们的薪水究竟是排在第二位,还是排在第八位。They found that the person#39;s rank within the comparison set was a stronger predictor of happiness than absolute wealth. #39;If absolute income matters, as we increased our income, everybody should get happier at a national level, but we don#39;t seem to,#39; Mr. Boyce said. #39;So what we are showing is that in terms of life satisfaction, rank is a better predictor than absolute wealth.#39;他们发现,人们在比较中的排名比其绝对财富更能预示他的幸福程度。伊斯说,如果绝对收入与幸福有关,当收入增加时,全国每一个人都应该更幸福,但看来并非如此。因此我们认为,排名比绝对财富更能预示一个人的生活满意度。The research may help explain why there is much consternation about wealth inequality over the past two decades even though standards of living have improved for many in the lower strata.这一研究可能有助于解释为什么在过去20年间,纵然许多社会低层人员的生活标准也得到改善,人们还是对贫富不均感到如此的恐慌。 /201508/390055湖州中心医院切眼袋多少钱湖州曙光做韩式隆鼻手术多少钱

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