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宝鸡西大医院地址好医助手

2018年02月20日 11:36:52 | 作者:知道大全 | 来源:新华社
Now that both the obsequies and the ritual condemnations of Margaret Thatcher are over, the time has begun for a more analytical look at her legacy. I am not a bad person to start this off as I was neither a passionate anti-Thatcherite nor regarded by her inner circle as “really one of us”.既然玛格丽特#8226;撒切尔(Margaret Thatcher)的葬礼已经结束,对她照例的谴责也已平息,现在是时候更加深入地评析她的遗产了。我大概是开这个头的合适人选,因为一方面我不是积极的反撒切尔分子,另一方面撒切尔的小圈子也不把我当成“自己人”。A point that has been missed in all the verbiage of recent days is how much her thinking owed to Keith Joseph, the Conservative who helped to put the idea of a genuine free market back on the political agenda.近日诸多长篇大论都忽视了一点:撒切尔的思想有多少要归功于基斯#8226;约瑟夫(Keith Joseph)?作为一名保守党员,约瑟夫曾帮助推动真正的自由市场思想重新登上政治议程。In saying this I am far from trying to detract from her legacy. On the contrary, she often said: “One day people will realise what they owe to Keith Joseph.” Anyone can confirm this by looking at her Joseph Memorial Lecture of 1996 given to the Centre for Policy Studies. The first part of the lecture, on the connection between a free economy and a free society, and the last part, on the perils of the euro currency project, are still fresh and relevant.我这么说并非要贬低撒切尔的遗产。恰恰相反,她常说:“有一天人们将认识到他们有多感激基斯#8226;约瑟夫。”1996年,她在政策研究中心(Centre for Policy Studies)纪念约瑟夫的演讲中发表了上述言论。演讲上半部分讲述自由经济和自由社会的联系,下半部分讨论欧元计划的危险性。这些内容历久弥新,至今仍具有重要意义。I should like to start with a comment she made that has defined her – it was even raised at her funeral. Some see it as one of the worst things that she said; I regard it as one of the best.我要用她的一句话开始论述,这句话定义了她这个人,甚至还在她的葬礼上被提起。有人认为这是她所说过最差的一句话;我却认为这是最好的一句。“I think we have been through a period when too many people have been given to understand that when they have a problem it is government’s job to cope with it. ‘I have a problem, I’ll get a grant. I’m homeless, the government must house me.’ They are casting their problems on society. And, you know, there is no such thing as society. There are individual men and women and there are families. And no governments can do anything except through people, and people must look to themselves first. It is our duty to look after ourselves and then, also, to look after our neighbours. People have got their entitlements too much in mind, without the obligations. There is no such thing as an entitlement, unless someone has first met an obligation.”“我想我们经历了这样一个时期,太多人理所当然地认为,如果遇到问题,政府有责任解决这个问题。‘我遇到问题了,我需要政府的资助。我无家可归,政府必须为我提供房屋。’他们把问题都扔给社会去解决。可是,你们明白,根本就没有‘社会’这种东西。世上有个体的男人和女人、有家庭。政府只有通过人民才能有所作为,而人民首先必须指望自己。我们有责任照顾自己,然后是照顾邻里。人们过于重视自己的权利,却忽视义务。若不履行义务,则无权利可言。”Thatcher meant, I believe, that people should first try to solve their own problems and those of their families and friends, and only as a last resort rely on government. The government is simply a mechanism with which people can help each other and force would-be free riders to make a contribution. I interpreted her remarks as an expression of methodological individualism (although I pity any speech writer who sought to persuade her to say those words).我想,撒切尔的意思是,人们首先应当试图解决自己的问题和亲友的问题,走投无路时才能依赖政府。政府只是一种机制,通过它,人们可以互相帮助,并强迫不劳而获的人做出贡献。在我的理解中,她的话是“方法论的个人主义”(methodological individualism)的表达(但愿她不是在演讲稿撰写者的劝说下说出这番话的)。I have tried to explain all this in my book Capitalism With a Human Face . Very briefly it means that the workings of complex wholes must be capable of being expressed in terms of individual components – chemical elements in terms of atoms, atoms in terms of subatomic particles and nations in terms of their citizens. Methodological individualism has been espoused by a long line of empiricist thinkers, some of very different politics to Thatcher.我在我的著作《有人性的资本主义》(Capitalism With a Human Face)中尝试过解释这一切。简而言之,方法论的个人主义是指,复杂整体的运作机理一定能够以个体成员的形式表达出来——化学元素用原子表达,原子用亚原子粒子表达,国家用公民表达。方法论的个人主义得到一大批经验主义思想家的持,其中有些人的政治观点与撒切尔大相径庭。The classical liberal philosopher Karl Popper, for instance, looked at the abstract concept of war. “What is concrete is the many who are killed, or the men and women in uniform.” The 18th-century Scottish philosopher David Hume remarked that a nation was a collection of individuals. This doctrine has also been denied by many supposedly eminent philosophers, such as the overrated G.W.F. Hegel, who said: “All the worth which the human being possesses in all spiritual reality, he possesses only through the state.”例如,古典自由主义哲学家卡尔#8226;波普(Karl Popper)探讨了战争的抽象概念。“战死的许多人——或者说是身着军装的男人和女人——才是确定的。”18世纪的苏格兰哲学家大卫#8226;休谟(David Hume)提出,国家是个人的集合。很多所谓杰出的哲学家否认这一理论,如被高估的黑格尔(G.W.F.Hegel)。黑格尔说:“人类具有的一切价值——一切精神的现实性,都是由国家而有的。”Thatcher was well aware that the support she has been accused of withholding from declining industries in the north of the UK would have come not from a mysterious entity known as the state. It would have come from fellow citizens. She may have been right or wrong. But it was not a matter of her personal generosity. Nit-picking political philosophers have said that if she wanted to be a true methodological individualist she would not have added “and there are families” in her famous statement. It was like saying: “There are no forests, only trees and copses.” She was not so stupid as to fail to see this. But she was not teaching a political philosophy class. She was pointing out that aid for the poor, or distressed regions, had to come from somewhere – namely the inhabitants of the country concerned.撒切尔被指责没有为英国北方的衰落工业提供持。她清楚地认识到,这种持不会来自一种称为“国家”的神秘实体,而应来自公民同胞。她可能是对的,也可能是错的。但这与她个人的慷慨与否无关。有吹毛求疵的政治哲学家认为,如果撒切尔想成为真正的方法论个人主义者,她本不会在那场著名的讲话中加上“家庭”。这好比说“世上没有森林,只有乔木和灌木”。她不会愚蠢到没有发现这一点,但她并不是在给别人上政治哲学课。她要说的是,为穷人和困难地区提供的援助必须来自别处——即所在国家的居民。It was a pity that she was incapable of applying this reductionist thinking to foreign affairs. There are no beings such as Germany, Britain or Argentina – only complex entities composed of individuals. It is reasonable for a British citizen to value a British life more than an Argentine life, but it is unreasonable to put a zero value on the latter. It must be admitted that even if people habitually thought in these terms they might still support death as a necessary evil to avoid territorial losses and the like. But if this translation were always made it might sometimes lead to less nationalist policies. Even Thatcher must have been intuitively aware of this when she wept for 40 minutes at the loss of life when a battleship went down near the Falklands.遗憾的是,她未能将这种简化主义(reductionist)的思想应用于外交事务。世上不存在德国、英国和阿根廷,只有由个人组成的复杂实体。一位英国公民对英国人性命的重视有理由超过对阿根廷人性命的重视,但认为后者毫无价值则是不合理的。必须承认,即便人们习惯性地从这些角度思考,他们或许仍然会认同死亡是避免领土丢失等等的“必要之恶”。但假如总是进行这样的解读,有时或许会催生出民族主义色较弱的政策。即便是她想必也直觉地意识到了这一点——当一艘战舰在福克兰群岛(Falklands)附近沉没时,撒切尔为丧生的将士哭泣了40分钟。 /201304/236299

Where to live—in the city or in the countryside? Different people have different opinions.住在农村,还是城市?不同的人有不同的观点。Some people like living in cities. They think that living in cities has many advantages. First of all, there are always well-developed public transports. Secondly, it is often easier to find work. Besides, the life in cities is rich and colorful; they can go to cinemas, and walk in the parks whenever they want to relax. By contrary, some people prefer to live in the countryside. They think they can live a comfortable life. They can breathe fresh air, drink pure water, and listen to birds singing. In addition, they enjoy the quiet and peace of the countryside.有些人喜欢住在城市。他们认为住在城市有很多好处。首先,那有更发达的交通。其次,更容易找到工作。另外,城市的生活是丰富多的;他们可以去看电影,想放松的时候可以去公园走走。相反的,有些人选择住在乡村。他们认为可以住得更舒适。他们可以呼吸新鲜空气,喝纯净水,听小鸟唱歌。另外,他们喜欢乡村的宁静和和谐。 /201210/204700

_Gs7b0uJ734Lf-^95vIfZq+tztP~As technology improves, plastic surgery is getting cheaper, safer, and more popular around the world.随着技术进步,整形手术越发便宜、安全,且在世界上更流行了cLAnjc4iN@。Nowhere is it catching on faster than in South Korea, where one in five women in Seoul have had some type of procedure, according to a 2009 survey by Trend Monitor.但没有地方赶得上韩国,在首尔五分之一的女性做过某种类型的整形手术,根据Trend Monitor在2009年的一项调查W,3(r;MFNJm3H。It has become so common in South Korea that most of the stigma regarding surgery has dropped away, and celebrities and beauty queens openly discuss treatment.在韩国这已变得如此普遍,以至于与手术相关的羞耻感已经淡化,名人和选美冠军公开讨论整形手术4!~@)vefmlgvecJ#4。wLnAXtj8MNt7Hh+mEveryone in Korea wants the same look: Light skin, tiny nose, wide eyes with double lids, and a small face with a V-shaped chin.在韩国每个人都想有同样的外貌:白皙的皮肤、小鼻子、双眼皮、大眼睛以及v型小脸Zw%EhL^+aS2i;EP^%D%。CKp2vwN8zmON8K![eHP^x[6ivFaOv,cfOWYW7sc /201306/243286

One objection to “Abenomics”, the reflationary creed adopted by Japan’s new government, is that it will erode hard-earned savings. Instead of simply grabbing them over the weekend – as has become fashionable in certain parts of Europe – the government hopes to siphon them off gradually through gentle inflation.对“安倍经济学”(Abenomics,日本新政府采取的通货再膨胀信条)的一种反驳观点就是,它将侵蚀人们勤苦攒下的储蓄。与欧洲一些地方已经比较流行的在一夜之间攫取人们储蓄的做法不同,日本政府希望逐渐通过缓和的通胀来“吸走”人们的储蓄。This is a dastardly plan. It is unlikely to prove popular with the over-60s, who make up a quarter of Japan’s population, but who control two-thirds of its vast household assets. It is a good idea all the same.这是一个残忍的计划,它不太可能会受到60岁以上的人的欢迎,这些人占日本人口的四分之一,却掌控着日本家庭资产的三分之二。但这依然是个好主意。The reason for welcoming this intergenerational theft is that, for 20 years, Japan has prioritised the interests of older generations over younger ones. That is not only unfair. Penalising youth is also not the best way to build a nation’s future. Taxing the old through inflation is one way to redress what has been a long squeeze of one generation by another.赞成这种代际“盗窃”的理由是,20年来,日本一直注重的是年长一代的利益,而不是年轻一代。这不仅不公平,而且损害年轻人的利益也不是塑造一个国家未来的最好方式。通过通胀向年老一代征税,是纠正长期以来一代人“压榨”另一代人的一种方式。Most of the squeezing has taken place in the workplace. The pre-bubble generation, those who got jobs before the 1990 asset-price crash, had a fairly straightforward path to prosperity. After negotiating “exam hell”, they proceeded to good universities and from there to big companies that would recruit them straight after graduation. In return for life-long loyalty, employees would be given a job until retirement with ascending seniority and pay.大部分的“压榨”都发生在工作场所。泡沫之前的一代人,也就是那些在上世纪90年代资产价格崩溃之前获得工作的人,有一条通往富裕的直接道路。在经历了“考试地狱”之后,他们进入好的大学,毕业之后直接获得大企业的聘用。作为终生忠诚的回报,员工在退休之前都有工作保障,并且职位和薪资也在不断上升。This happy system was not for everyone. Even in the fast-growth decades, the lifetime employment model only covered about 30-40 per cent of employees. But its creed sp further than that. In 1990, just one in five employees was classified as non-permanent.但并不是每个人都能享受这种幸福体系。即使是在快速增长的那几十年,终生就业模式也只是覆盖到30%到40%的员工。但持有这样信条的人却远远超过这一比例。1990年,只有五分之一的就业者被认为是非永久性的。That all changed when the bubble burst. As companies paid back debts and slowly reined in expenses to match reduced revenue prospects, they cut costs. Naturally, there were some lay-offs. But in Japan, far fewer workers lost their jobs than in societies with more flexible labour laws and less sense of loyalty to existing employees.泡沫破灭的时候,所有的一切都发生了变化。公司既要偿还债务,又要因为未来收入下降的前景缓慢控制开销,因此它们会削减成本。很自然就会出现一些裁员。但相比有着更灵活劳动法和对现有员工忠诚感较低的社会,日本失业的工人较少。Thus those who bore the brunt of restructuring were Japan’s youth, who were simply not hired by big companies but shunted into casual work. As a result, about 35 per cent of workers are now casual or part time. Such jobs are held overwhelmingly by younger workers and women. Youth unemployment is more than twice the national average at about 10 per cent.因此受到重组影响的首当其冲的就是日本的年轻人,他们没有被大公司雇佣,而是从事临时工作。因此,目前大约有35%的人是临时工人或者从事兼职。从事这种工作的人绝大多数都是年轻人和女性。因而年轻人的失业率大约为10%,是全国平均水平的两倍以上。Dimmer employment prospects for young people have not been the only problem. Younger workers have been expected to contribute more than today’s retirees to the state pension. To add insult to injury this will pay out less. Many younger people have opted out altogether. Having taken a look at Japan’s finances – chronic fiscal deficits and gross public debt at 230 per cent of output – they have concluded there may be no payout at all when they retire.年轻人面临的问题不仅是黯淡的就业前景。一直以来年轻的就业人员对国家养老金的贡献都要多于现在的退休人员。更糟糕的是,未来他们得到的会更少。于是很多年轻人干脆选择退出。看看日本的财政状况——长期财政赤字,公共债务总额高达国内生产总值(GDP)的230%——他们认为等到他们退休的时候,或许根本就拿不到养老金。Deflation has been the main culprit in Japan’s 20-year economic drama. But, ironically, it has also been the saviour. Part-time workers may get miserable wages, but that is not so bad when prices are back at 1990 levels. Interest rates on savings are derisory but they provide a positive return when measured against falling prices. The government too may have a huge debt but it is easily serviced when 10-year Japanese government bonds yield less than 1 per cent.日本20年的经济低迷中,通货紧缩一直都是罪魁祸首。具有讽刺意味的是,它也是一个救星。兼职工作者的工资或许很低,但如果物价回到上世纪90年代的水平,也还是能够过得去的。尽管储蓄利率低得让人嗤之以鼻,但考虑到物价下降,储蓄的回报还是正的。日本政府或许背负着沉重的债务,但当10年期国债收益率低于1%的时候,履债还是比较轻松的。Japan’s households own about tn of net assets, a little less than the government’s gross debt, and considerably more than its net debt. Since more than 90 per cent of public debt is owned by Japanese, the problem is more about distribution of pain than risk of default. One way of looking at Japan’s debt is as deferred tax. Instead of paying tax, Japanese savers have lent money to the government so that it can spend more than it can raise in (deflationary suppressed) revenue.日本家庭大约拥有12万亿美元的净资产,略低于政府总债务,但却远远高于其净债务。由于90%以上的公共债务都是由日本人民持有,因此问题与其说在于债务违约的风险,还不如说在于债务之痛的分配。可以将日本债务看作递延税。日本储蓄者不是以纳税的方式,而是以借钱给政府的方式,使得政府的出能够高于(被通缩抑制的)收入。Now the government could tax workers directly through higher income tax or indirectly through higher corporate tax. But that seems unfair since younger people have aly paid a price through reduced opportunity and earnings potential.现在政府可以通过更高的所得税直接向工人征税,或者是通过更高的企业税间接征税。但这看起来是不公平的,因为年轻人已经因为就业机会和潜在收入的减少而付出了代价。Alternatively, the government could tax those who accumulated wealth in the good years. Inflation is one way of doing that. So is inheritance tax. And indeed, the government plans to raise estate tax from 50 per cent to 55 per cent.或者,政府也可以向那些在繁荣时期积累了财富的人征税。通货膨胀就是一种方式,遗产税也是。实际上,政府正在计划将房地产遗产税从50%提高到55%。The intergenerational conflict is not as stark as the above analysis makes it sound. In practice, younger people with less well-paid jobs often live with their parents. There is even a term for it – parasite singles. Grandparents indulge their grandchildren by running down their savings to pay for luxuries or education, a pattern now being encouraged with tax exemptions on some intergenerational transfers.代际冲突并没有上述分析让人感觉的那么激烈。实际上,收入不高的年轻人通常与父母生活在一起。甚至还有一个专门的词来描述他们:“单身寄生族”(parasite singles)。祖父母会倾其储蓄为孙辈购买奢侈品或者是付教育费用,现在的一些代际转移付免税措施就鼓励这种模式。Generational rebalancing can go too far. Taro Aso, the 72-year-old finance minister, recently joked that old people should “hurry up and die” so that they did not drain the public purse. Such horrible insensitivity aside, robbing retirees to pay for the next generation is no panacea.代际再平衡可能会走极端。72岁的日本财务大臣麻生太郎(Taro Aso)最近开玩笑说,老年人应该“赶紧去世”,这样他们就不会挤占公共资金。且不说其冷漠无情,抢劫退休人员为下一代省钱也并不是万灵药。More must be done, too, to shift money from cash-hoarding companies to cash-hungry households. Productivity must also be raised. Indeed, Prime minister Shinzo Abe’s plans could come unstuck if wages – stagnant or falling for years – fail to keep pace with hoped-for inflation.必须采取更多行动,将钱从囤积资金的公司转移到缺乏资金的家庭。同时还必须提高生产力。实际上,如果数年来一直停滞不前甚至是在下降的工资没能跟得上预期通胀,那么安倍首相的计划可能就会失效。Still, part of the point of moving from deflation to inflation is to help tomorrow’s earners and wealth creators. If Japan’s savers have to lose a little in the process, so be it.而且,从通货紧缩转向通货膨胀的部分意义在于,帮助未来的工薪阶层和财富创造者。如果在这个过程中,日本的储蓄者必须有一点损失,那也只能如此。 /201303/232069

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    关键词:宝鸡西大医院地址

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